The wheels are coming off the Trump White House bus. The president’s approval rating is dismal, the Iran war has fanned inflation at home and instability abroad, helter-skelter tariffs have angered US farmers, a craven deal with Vladimir Putin over diesel fuel has threatened Ukraine’s survival, and this month’s botched rollout of an inept new press secretary descended into farce.
The GOP boat, meanwhile, is drifting toward the waterfall of the 2026 midterm elections—and the party’s pending wreckage on the rocks below. If history is any judge, most White House chiefs of staff facing such turmoil would be eyeing the exit before the boss shoved them out. But in all likelihood, Susie Wiles, Trump’s chief, isn’t going anywhere.

President Trump and Wiles during a meeting with trustees of the John F. Kennedy Center for Performing Arts at the White House, March 16, 2026.
Bloomberg/Getty ImagesShe’s come through trials before. In 10 interviews with me for Vanity Fair in 2025, Wiles described her brand of management-by-serenity-prayer: Trump, she said, has an alcoholic’s personality (even though he’s a teetotaler); his White House was populated by a microdoser and ketamine user (Elon Musk), a decade-long conspiracy theorist (JD Vance), and a right-wing absolute zealot (Russell Vought). These were her words, not mine. Many around Washington thought that after baring her soul, on the record and on tape, Wiles would be toast. And yet her job was never in jeopardy; indeed, her standing in the West Wing was only strengthened after she gave away the store. Trump immediately embraced her description of him, as Vance did his. The vice president only believed in conspiracies that are true, he insisted. Trump’s inner circle rallied around Wiles.
Now, once again, Trump and his team are standing by his chief amid recent press reports that she might be on the outs. That’s because, despite his travails, Trump needs Wiles and almost everyone around him knows it.
The president trusts her in a way that he trusted none of her predecessors. In his first term, serving as his chief was practically Mission Impossible: Reince Priebus, General John Kelly, Mick Mulvaney, and Mark Meadows didn’t click with Trump, for a variety of reasons, but none, in the end, seemed willing to go the distance and do anything he ordered. Trump just didn’t understand—and didn’t care—that any chief’s most important duty is to tell the president hard truths. As Donald Rumsfeld, Gerald Ford’s first-rate chief, put it: “The White House chief of staff is the one person besides his wife…who can look him right in the eye and say, ‘This is not right. You simply can’t go down that road.’”
Yet not one of Trump’s first-term chiefs was up to the challenge. Shortly after Meadows became his fourth chief, Trump is said to have declared that Meadows would be “my James Baker.” I was baffled. The sycophantic Meadows was no one’s idea of Ronald Reagan’s chief James A. Baker III, who was known for standing up to the president when necessary. Then it suddenly dawned on me: Trump must have meant that Meadows—imposing, amenable, and handsome—looked like Baker.
Unlike her predecessors, Wiles has an almost magical bond with Trump; she’s the exception to his occasional predilection for cutting ties with women who go off script. The reasons are multifold. First, she slogged through the trenches with him in three grueling presidential campaigns in 2016, 2020, and 2024. Trump knows she has his back. Second, they have a unique personal chemistry; during their first encounter at Trump Tower in 2015, Trump was thrilled to be in the presence of the daughter of Pat Summerall (the sports broadcasting legend whose alcoholism helped prepare Wiles for dealing with Trump’s whims, bullying, mood swings, and so much more). Trump has no fixed convictions, yet he believes in two things: good genes and winning. (He will be forever grateful to Wiles for helping him carry Florida against the odds in the 2016 presidential election.) Third, Trump connected with her over their shared nostalgia for the Copacabana era of 1970s Manhattan. Wiles told me: “So when he talks about Frank Sinatra’s bodyguard, I know that name.”
Which is not to say that Trump is thrilled with his chief of staff. He appears to be angry about his terrible poll numbers, about outgoing Ambassador to Greece Kimberly Guilfoyle’s alleged shakedowns, about Pete Hegseth’s (now canceled) plan to livestream the Fort Hood killer’s execution. Sources told Politico that Trump has called friends to ask if Wiles should stay or go. If true, he would have known that these conversations would get back to her. (Trump himself called the assertion “TOTAL FAKE NEWS” in a statement to Politico, insisting that Wiles “has my COMPLETE confidence.”)

Wiles, Marco Rubio, and Tulsi Gabbard in the Oval Office, May 6, 2026.
Bloomberg/Getty ImagesWiles, like the Terminator T-800, just keeps going. Despite her recent bout with breast cancer (thankfully, in remission), she wants to finish Trump’s term. In fact, the same week in which Politico suggested Wiles might be sent packing, she reportedly reasserted her authority: Katie Zacharia’s grilling by Fox News’s Sean Hannity—and her subsequent firing, insiders say—had Wiles’s fingerprints all over it. (White House communications director Steven Cheung called reports on Wiles’s involvement “a fiction.”)
There’s another reason why Wiles is staying: She’s virtually irreplaceable. Does anyone believe that a new chief of staff, with an untested relationship with Trump, would survive any longer than an Apprentice contestant?
How will Wiles rank among history’s White House chiefs? She’s run the West Wing effectively, tamping down the internecine rivalries, backstabbing, and leaking of Trump 1.0. Yet Wiles has failed to perform the job’s most important duty: telling the president what he doesn’t want to hear. This feels like a lost opportunity because, given the unique respect Trump has for her, Wiles stood a chance of steering him away from disaster.
In truth, Wiles never really tried. On the 56th day of his term, she told me she had a “loose agreement” with the president that he would end his revenge and retribution campaign against his political enemies after 90 days. But she added, of her conversations with Trump: “They’re over little things, not big. I hear stories from my predecessors about these seminal moments where you have to go in and tell the president what he wants to do is unconstitutional or will cost lives. I don’t have that.” Last year, when speaking of the prosecution of former FBI director James Comey, Wiles told me: “People could think it does look vindictive. I can’t tell you why you shouldn’t think that. I don’t think [the president] wakes up thinking about retribution. But when there’s an opportunity, he will go for it.”
Faustian bargains with Trump almost never end well. The lasting image of Mark Meadows may be of Trump’s chief sitting on the couch of his West Wing office, scrolling through his phone as a violent mob approached the US Capitol. On that same day, after rioters erected scaffolds with nooses intended for Mike Pence, the vice president called Trump’s acting defense secretary Chris Miller for backup—and, according to one of my inside sources, phoned the White House as well—but was essentially on his own.
After the midterms, Trump is likely to face a Democratic Congress hell-bent on investigating him. He’ll almost certainly do what he always does: fight tooth and nail. But what rules, if any, will he obey? Wiles insisted to me that Trump would never call out the military to suppress or prevent the vote. What will his chief of staff say or do if he breaks that promise?
For Susie Wiles, the serenity prayer may not be enough.
Click here to read Part 1 of 2 from Vanity Fair’s December portfolio of Trump’s inner circle.
Click here to read Part 2 of 2 from Vanity Fair’s portfolio of Trump’s inner circle.
Chris Whipple is a contributing writer at Vanity Fair and a Fall 2026 Resident Fellow at Harvard’s Kennedy School Institute of Politics. Follow him on Substack.
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