Gadi Eisenkot, a former chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), is seeking to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel's 27 October election, campaigning on government accountability, military service reform and a different approach to managing the war in Gaza.
The 66-year-old leads the Yashar party, whose name means "straight" in Hebrew. Recent polls cited in the supplied information project the party to win 20 to 23 seats in the 120-member Knesset, ahead of Netanyahu's Likud. Neither the Netanyahu-led bloc nor the opposition bloc is projected to secure the 61 seats needed for a parliamentary majority, says CNN.
Eisenkot's campaign combines his four-decade military career with criticism of Netanyahu's handling of the war and the government's response to the 7 October 2023 Hamas-led attack. However, his positions on the Palestinians remain hawkish, including his rejection of a two-state solution after the attack.
From military commander to political challenger
Eisenkot enlisted in the IDF's Golani Brigade in 1978 and served as the military's chief of staff from 2015 to 2019 under Netanyahu.
During his military career, he faced political pressure over the case of Sgt Elor Azaria, who killed a wounded Palestinian attacker in Hebron in 2016. Eisenkot supported a military investigation and trial, arguing that the army's discipline and ethical standards had to be defended.
His background also distinguishes him from Netanyahu. Eisenkot is the son of Moroccan immigrants and grew up in Tiberias and Eilat. Israel has never had a Mizrahi prime minister, referring to a Jew of Middle Eastern or North African heritage.
His ethnic background became a subject of political controversy when television host Yinon Magal described him as a "monkey" of "a Mizrahi-Moroccan" origin managed by "Ashkenazi elites". Magal later said he had used an underworld term for a frontman, while Netanyahu condemned the remarks.
Eisenkot's party takes its name from a phrase attributed to 7 October hostage Eli Sharabi: "It's not right, it's not left, it's straight". Campaign billboards describe Eisenkot as "a warrior, a leader, a unifier".
The war in Gaza and personal loss
Following the 7 October attack, Eisenkot joined Netanyahu's emergency war cabinet. He resigned in June 2024 alongside Benny Gantz, citing the absence of a clear post-war strategy.
Eisenkot accused Netanyahu of prolonging the war and putting hostages at risk for political reasons. His criticism has since become a central part of his challenge to the prime minister.
The conflict has also affected his family. His youngest son, Gal, 25, was killed fighting in Gaza in December 2023, and two of his nephews also died in combat.
In an April 2026 article in Yedioth Ahronoth, Eisenkot described the commitment he made after his son's death: "Over Gal's grave, I swore that the price he paid, he and his friends, those he knew and those he didn't, would not be in vain".
What does Eisenkot propose on domestic policy?
Eisenkot has pledged to establish an official state commission of inquiry into the intelligence and leadership failures surrounding the 7 October attack. Netanyahu has consistently resisted such an inquiry.
He also supports mandatory military conscription or national service for all citizens, challenging the broad exemptions from military service granted to ultra-Orthodox Jews and maintained by Netanyahu's coalition.
The proposals place accountability for the 7 October attack and the distribution of national service obligations among the main domestic issues in Eisenkot's campaign.
A security-focused approach to Gaza and the Palestinians
Despite presenting himself as a unifying political figure, Eisenkot has maintained a security-focused position and supported military operations in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran.
During his IDF career, he was associated with the "Dahiyeh doctrine", which involves using overwhelming force against infrastructure to deter attacks, and the "campaign between wars", a strategy involving covert operations.
Eisenkot has pledged to end Hamas rule in Gaza within 18 months, either through US President Donald Trump's ceasefire plan or through what he describes as "creative" military operations. He has argued that "as long as Netanyahu is in office, Hamas stays in power".
His position on Palestinian statehood has also hardened. Eisenkot previously warned that continued Israeli rule over Palestinians in the West Bank risked creating a bi-national state, describing that prospect as "the end of the Zionist vision". After 7 October, however, he rejected a two-state solution and called anyone advocating for one "delusional".
At the same time, he opposes formal annexation of the West Bank, illegal outposts and construction in the E1 area, describing the latter as a "mistake" because of its international costs. He has also pledged to crack down on settler violence and what he calls "Jewish terrorism".
These positions reflect a combination of opposition to some settlement policies and a rejection of a negotiated two-state framework.
Can Eisenkot form a government?
The election is expected to produce a divided Knesset, with neither Netanyahu's bloc nor the opposition bloc projected to win the 61 seats required for a majority.
Eisenkot has indicated that he could attempt to form a minority government with external support from Arab parties. The outcome would depend on the distribution of seats and the ability of political groups to agree on a governing arrangement.
His campaign also faces a challenge from Netanyahu's continued relationship with Washington.
Trump has given Netanyahu his "complete and total endorsement", calling him a "great warrior prime minister" and warning that anyone else would be the "wrong leader". Asked whether he could work with another Israeli leader, Trump said: "Maybe I will, maybe I won't, who wants to take the chance?"
Attempts by the opposition to secure White House neutrality through intermediaries, including Miriam Adelson, were unsuccessful, according to the supplied information.
What could change under an Eisenkot-led government?
Analysts cited in the supplied information suggest that a government led by Eisenkot without far-right partners such as Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich could provide a different partner for US regional diplomacy, including potential normalisation with Saudi Arabia.
However, Eisenkot's positions on Gaza and Palestinian statehood indicate that a change in leadership would not necessarily bring a shift towards a two-state solution.
The election will determine whether Eisenkot can translate his military background, criticism of Netanyahu and domestic reform proposals into sufficient parliamentary support to form a government. Even if the opposition gains ground, the fragmented political landscape means that coalition negotiations will be central to determining who governs Israel.