The Libyan Parliament’s ratification of the 2019 Turkey-Libya maritime memorandum strengthens Ankara’s position in the Eastern Mediterranean and complicates Greece’s attempts to block a deal Athens views as violating its rights, Turkish media reported on Friday (23 October 2026).
According to Türkiye Today, the move bolsters Turkey’s diplomatic standing. Greek strategy had partly relied on engagement with authorities in eastern Libya—linked to Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar—to limit acceptance of the memorandum and advance Athens’ own maritime delimitation positions. Eastern Libya had served as an important diplomatic arena for Greece. The Parliament’s new stance makes that approach more difficult and allows Ankara to frame the agreement as reflecting a broader Libyan consensus rather than a deal solely with the Tripoli government that signed it in 2019.
The development fits Turkey’s efforts to engage multiple political and military centers of power in Libya, including those associated with Haftar and the eastern part of the country. Turkish influence did not emerge overnight. Ankara provided military support to the Tripoli-based government during the 2019–2020 conflict, helping shift the military balance. That cooperation became the foundation for wider ties involving diplomatic contacts, agreements, and energy plans. In 2020 Turkey submitted its maritime claims to the United Nations, using the memorandum with Libya as a core element of its arguments.
Related steps include the August 2025 visit of the Turkish corvette TCG Kınalıada to a Libyan port and promotion of the idea of “One Libya, One Army.” These moves aim to strengthen Turkey’s role in a country that remains politically and institutionally divided. On 6 October a leadership change in the Libyan Parliament saw Al-Salhin Abdelnabi replace Aguila Saleh; Turkish reporting presents this as part of the political context in which the memorandum advanced.
Energy ambitions
The maritime agreement is closely linked to Turkey’s energy goals. Ankara seeks a larger role in exploration and potential exploitation of oil and gas in the Eastern Mediterranean. On 25 June 2025 Libya’s National Oil Corporation (NOC) and Turkey’s state oil company TPAO signed a memorandum of cooperation for offshore exploration in four areas, including seismic surveys covering roughly 10,000 square kilometers. These activities matter for Greece because energy work in the region intersects with disputes over maritime boundaries and resource rights.
Competing agreements and legal positions
The Turkey-Libya memorandum is not the only deal shaping the maritime picture. In 2020 Greece and Egypt signed an agreement for partial delimitation of their Exclusive Economic Zones as part of Athens’ effort to set boundaries with neighbors through bilateral accords. Turkey disputes Greek positions and argues that its own agreement with Libya reflects a different delimitation. The result is competing approaches involving Greece, Egypt, Turkey, and Libya. Turkey has not signed the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), unlike Greece; this difference is a significant element of the broader disagreement over the rules that should govern maritime zones.
Crete and energy plans
The dispute gains added weight from hydrocarbon exploration plans south of Crete. Reporting notes activities linked to the American company Chevron and work in areas east of the 28th meridian. Libya has protested seismic surveys and exploration south of Crete conducted under licenses approved by Greece. These reactions show that the maritime disagreement can affect the progress of energy programs, not only diplomatic statements.
Egypt’s balancing role
Egypt maintains an agreement with Greece on maritime delimitation while seeking functional relations with Turkey. Cairo’s approach reflects an effort to protect its own interests and avoid full alignment with one side. For Greece, continued cooperation with Egypt remains an important element of its Eastern Mediterranean policy. Egypt’s stance, together with Turkey’s relations with different Libyan factions, will shape the next moves in the region.
Blue Homeland and the outlook
Turkish coverage places the memorandum within Ankara’s broader “Blue Homeland” (Mavi Vatan) strategy, which emphasizes expanding and protecting Turkish maritime claims and strengthening the country’s role in surrounding seas. There is also discussion of a possible legislative initiative in Turkey related to the Blue Homeland that could give the strategy greater domestic political and institutional visibility.
For Greece, the parliamentary ratification highlights the need for sustained diplomatic activity and maintenance of regional alliances. The Libyan Parliament’s approval makes it harder for Athens to limit the memorandum’s influence. At the same time, the agreement by itself does not resolve the underlying legal and political disagreements over maritime delimitation.
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