Central Asia is no longer a distant geopolitical crossroads that Washington can afford to treat as a secondary priority. As competition among major powers intensifies, the region’s energy resources, critical minerals, transport corridors and strategic geography are becoming increasingly important. If the United States wants to protect its economic and geopolitical interests across Eurasia, it must turn diplomatic engagement with Central Asia into a sustained, long-term commitment.
The upcoming meeting between the United States and the five Central Asian republics—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan—under the C5+1 framework presents an important opportunity to advance that objective. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is expected to lead the American delegation to Samarkand, Uzbekistan, for the ministerial meeting, reinforcing a diplomatic format established in 2015 as Washington’s principal platform for engagement with the region.
This gathering is particularly significant because of its emphasis on commercial diplomacy. Approximately 200 American business representatives are expected to accompany Rubio, seeking to build on economic and investment agreements reached during the C5+1’s 10th-anniversary summit at the White House last year.
The message is clear: Washington recognizes that diplomatic declarations alone cannot secure lasting influence. Meaningful partnerships require investment, trade, technology cooperation and tangible economic benefits for all participating countries.
Central Asia’s strategic importance is growing
Samarkand offers an appropriate setting for these discussions. Historically one of the great cities of the Silk Road, it symbolizes the commercial connections that once linked Asia, the Middle East and Europe. Today, those connections are acquiring renewed significance as governments compete to establish alternative supply chains, diversify energy sources and develop transportation routes that reduce dependence on vulnerable or politically sensitive corridors.
Central Asia occupies a pivotal position in this emerging economic landscape. Its substantial oil and natural gas resources, deposits of critical minerals and potential to serve as a transit hub make it increasingly attractive to international investors. As governments seek secure supplies of essential raw materials for advanced manufacturing, energy infrastructure and emerging technologies, the region’s economic value is likely to grow further.
For Washington, the challenge is not simply to gain access to resources. It is to establish durable commercial relationships that can withstand political changes, global economic shocks and competition from rival powers.
China and Russia have long maintained significant influence in Central Asia, although their interests and methods differ. Beijing has expanded its economic presence through trade, infrastructure investment and regional diplomatic initiatives, while Moscow retains historical, political and security connections with several countries in the region. The United States does not need to displace every existing relationship to strengthen its position. It does, however, need to offer credible alternatives and demonstrate that engagement with Washington produces measurable advantages.
The Trump administration has placed renewed emphasis on American engagement with the region. The challenge now is to translate that momentum into a coherent strategy rather than a series of high-profile meetings followed by prolonged diplomatic silence.
Geopolitical crises will shape the agenda
The Samarkand meeting takes place amid a turbulent international environment. Russia’s war against Ukraine and the conflict involving Iran have significant implications for Central Asia’s security, trade and economic prospects.
The consequences extend well beyond the immediate battlefields. Regional governments must navigate sanctions risks, disruptions to established transportation networks, changing energy markets and uncertainty over the future direction of relations among major powers.
These developments create both risks and opportunities for the United States. Washington can help Central Asian countries diversify commercial partnerships, strengthen supply-chain resilience and develop alternative transportation links. But doing so will require sustained diplomatic attention and a willingness to support projects that deliver practical results.
The meeting also follows the emergence of the C6 format, which brings together the five Central Asian states and Azerbaijan. It precedes another important gathering: the summit of the Organization of Turkic States in Ankara, Türkiye, later this month.
Although these initiatives have different memberships and institutional purposes, their overlapping interests highlight the growing importance of regional coordination. Together, they reflect an effort by countries across Central Asia and the South Caucasus to strengthen connectivity, expand economic cooperation and increase their room for maneuver in an increasingly competitive international system.
Washington should pay close attention to this evolution. Regional governments are not merely waiting for major powers to determine their futures. They are building their own diplomatic relationships and economic frameworks. The United States must engage with these ambitions rather than assume that its presence will automatically remain relevant.
Washington needs stronger institutions, not just summits
One important question concerns the future of the C5+1 secretariat. Established in 2022 to coordinate diplomatic meetings and related activities, the mechanism could become more effective through a stronger and more permanent institutional structure.
A durable secretariat could maintain communication between ministerial meetings, monitor the implementation of agreements and coordinate projects across different policy areas. Without such continuity, ambitious commitments announced at summits risk becoming little more than diplomatic talking points.
China has moved further in institutionalizing its engagement with Central Asia, establishing a permanent secretariat for its regional cooperation framework in Xi’an, a city historically associated with the eastern end of the Silk Road.
Washington should examine this model pragmatically. A permanent institutional mechanism would not automatically guarantee greater American influence, nor would it need to replicate China’s arrangements. Nevertheless, refusing to consider stronger coordination could leave the United States at a disadvantage when competing initiatives require consistent follow-through.
If Washington wants its partnerships to endure, it must invest in the institutional machinery that makes cooperation possible.
Four steps toward a stronger American presence
First, the United States should maintain the momentum of high-level diplomacy. Rubio’s visit needs to be followed by regular Cabinet-level engagement, concrete commercial initiatives and measurable progress on existing commitments. A visit by President Donald Trump would send an even stronger signal. No sitting US president has visited Central Asia, and such a trip could demonstrate that the region has become a genuine priority in American foreign policy.
Second, Washington should consider transforming the C5+1 secretariat into a more permanent institution. A stronger mechanism could improve coordination, sustain political dialogue and ensure that agreements produce results. The United States should not allow institutional hesitation to undermine its broader strategic ambitions.
Third, the administration should intensify efforts to secure lasting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Following their historic August 2025 meeting at the White House, progress toward a final peace agreement has been slow. Although neither country belongs to the C5+1, normalization could create additional opportunities for transportation and trade across the South Caucasus, connecting Central Asia more efficiently with Türkiye, Europe and Western markets. Such connectivity would strengthen regional economic resilience while creating opportunities for American businesses.
Fourth, Washington should seriously consider bringing Azerbaijan into an expanded C5+1 framework. Azerbaijan is a crucial gateway between Central Asia and Europe, with growing importance for energy transportation, regional trade and east-west connectivity. Its cultural, linguistic and economic links with Central Asian countries make its participation worth examining. An expanded format could better reflect the region’s interconnected geography and evolving economic ambitions, although its structure would need the agreement of all participating governments.
The cost of strategic neglect
The Samarkand gathering offers Washington an opportunity to demonstrate that its interest in Central Asia extends beyond temporary geopolitical calculations. American businesses can contribute capital, technology and expertise, while regional governments can provide investment opportunities, resources and access to emerging trade corridors.
But neither side should mistake diplomatic visibility for strategic success. Agreements must be implemented, investment commitments must materialize, and cooperation must continue after the headlines fade.
Central Asian countries have strong reasons to diversify their international partnerships rather than depend excessively on any single power. The United States, meanwhile, has compelling reasons to strengthen its economic and diplomatic position in a region central to Eurasian connectivity and resource security.
In an era of intensifying great-power competition, strategic neglect carries a price. If Washington fails to build lasting relationships, other powers will continue expanding their influence and regional governments will pursue alternatives that better serve their interests.
The United States cannot afford to be left out of Central Asia. Equally, Central Asian governments should not overlook the opportunities that deeper engagement with the world’s largest economy can provide. The task ahead is to turn the promise of Samarkand into a durable partnership built on mutual interests, practical cooperation and long-term strategic commitment.
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