The United Democratic Party’s (UDP) collapse has exposed a paradox in Meghalaya’s politics: regional demands remain central to public life, yet the very parties that claim to represent them are being sidelined and struggling to retain their elected representatives.
The UDP has been reduced from a significant regional force to a party with one legislator after eight MLAs merged with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and three others sought to join the ruling National People’s Party (NPP). The BJP’s strength has risen from two to 10 in the 60-member assembly, while the UDP has been left confronting an existential crisis.
The three UDP MLAs --- Paul Lyngdoh, Renikton Lyngdoh Tongkhar and Nujorki Sungoh --- have been formally recognised as members of NPP by Speaker Thomas A Sangma late Friday night.
The episode is not simply about defections. It is about the changing incentives of political survival in a state where regional identity remains a powerful electoral force, but individual legislators increasingly argue that larger parties offer better access to government and the Centre.
The failure of a regional alternative
The UDP’s decline is particularly striking because its political relevance rested on its identity as a regional alternative. It could bargain with larger parties, participate in coalitions and claim to articulate Meghalaya-specific concerns without being subsumed into a national organisation. That leverage depended on numbers and cohesion -- both have now been severely weakened.
The statement by MLA from Mawkyrwat, Renikton Lyngdoh Tongkhar, that efforts to unite regional parties under the Regional Democratic Alliance had failed is significant. “We have tried and done the best we can to unite the regional parties … but you have also seen, we failed,” he said on October 19, explaining his decision to join the NPP.
The failure matters because fragmented regional parties struggle to translate their combined electoral presence into political power. Without coordination, they can compete against one another, dilute their influence and leave legislators to make individual calculations about which party offers the best prospects. Regional unity, in other words, has remained an aspiration rather than a durable political arrangement.
When access becomes the argument
The eight MLAs who joined the BJP have framed their decision as a means of securing greater influence over issues that require national-level intervention. Mawphlang MLA Matthew Beyondstar Kurbah argued that remaining outside a major party limited his ability to pursue development and community interests. “If we are outside, we can only carry flags, do hartals, do dharnas,” he said.
Khliehriat MLA Kyrmen Shylla said the legislators had sought assurances on issues including coal mining, Khasi’s inclusion in the Constitution’s Eighth Schedule, implementation of the Meghalaya Residents Safety and Security Act and relocation of the Them Metor (Harijan Colony) from Them Iew Mawlong. “If you, the BJP, betray us on what you have promised us, we can leave the very next day,” Shylla said.
These statements reveal the practical calculation behind the merger: access to a national party’s leadership is being presented as a more effective means of advancing regional demands than remaining within a smaller regional organisation.
But the argument carries a risk. Access is not the same as influence, and assurances are not the same as outcomes. The legislators will have to demonstrate that joining the BJP produces results that could not have been secured through collective bargaining from within the UDP. If the commitments remain unfulfilled, the move could instead strengthen the case for retaining an independent regional platform.
The UDP’s internal failure
The party’s collapse cannot be attributed to national parties alone. Paul Lyngdoh, who sought to join the NPP, pointed to internal divisions and a lack of mutual respect within the UDP. “That respect I did not get in the UDP,” he said, rejecting the suggestion that his departure was simply a response to losing his cabinet berth.
His criticism points to an organisational problem. Regional identity may give a party a distinct political base, but it cannot indefinitely compensate for weak internal structures, leadership disputes or an inability to rebuild after electoral setbacks.
A party that fails to manage its own internal differences becomes vulnerable to external political pressures. Its legislators may begin to view departure not as a betrayal of the organisation but as a practical response to its diminishing prospects. The UDP’s near-total legislative collapse is therefore both a consequence of the pull of larger parties and a verdict on its own organisational fragility.
What happens to regional aspirations?
The decline of a regional party does not mean that regional concerns disappear. No way. Meghalaya’s politics continues to be shaped by questions of identity, autonomy, land, migration, traditional institutions and the protection of community interests.
The concern is institutional: who will articulate these issues independently, and with what leverage?
When regional parties lose legislators, they lose more than assembly seats. They lose negotiating strength, visibility and the ability to make coalition partners respond to their demands. Those issues may still be raised by individual legislators within national parties, but their priority can depend on the interests and internal calculations of the larger organisation.
This is the distinction between representation and bargaining power. A concern may remain politically popular while the party that once championed it loses the capacity to make it a condition of political cooperation.
The Hill State People’s Democratic Party (HSPDP) and the Voice of the People Party (VPP) face their own political circumstances, but the UDP’s experience offers a wider warning. Smaller regional parties need more than an appeal to identity. They require credible leadership, organisational discipline, a coherent policy agenda and a workable strategy for cooperation.
The BJP has said the eight former UDP legislators who joined the party will be given important organisational responsibilities, while dismissing the need for written commitments on the demands they raised before their induction.
Meghalaya BJP spokesperson M.H. Kharkrang said a written commitment was “not necessary”, adding that the party would now take up the legislators’ agenda following their induction.
“There has been no discussion on cabinet berths. As a party, presently we have two cabinet ministers,” Kharkrang said, adding that the experience, expertise and knowledge of the eight MLAs would be fully utilised to strengthen the organisation.
The 2028 test
The real verdict could be the 2028 assembly elections. The BJP has significantly strengthened its legislative presence, the NPP remains the dominant force, and the UDP faces the difficult task of rebuilding from a historic low.
The former UDP legislators will have to show that their new political alignments deliver on the promises used to justify their decisions. The UDP, meanwhile, will have to convince voters that an independent regional platform remains relevant and can deliver results.
Meghalaya’s regional politics is not necessarily ending. It is being tested by a harder question: whether regional aspirations can be advanced more effectively through larger parties or whether their long-term protection requires strong, independent regional institutions.
Prof (Retd) Eugene Thomas, an academic administrator and economist whose work focused on Meghalaya’s rural economy and development, believes the decline of regional parties reflects a deeper erosion of political ideology.
“In the past, a party was formed on an ideology, like Meghalaya’s first regional party, the All-Party Hill Leaders Conference (APHLC). Of course, this was formed before the state came into being. This ideology represented the collective values and beliefs of the people who formed it,” Thomas said.
“Today, however, almost all politicians have no ideology, and their only objective is to remain in power and win the next election. Hence, you see frequent shifting of alliances and parties by politicians, as there is no ideology or belief to hold them back. In such a scenario, large and national parties can withstand defections by their members, but smaller regional parties all but collapse under this treachery. When regional party politicians lose their ideology, it becomes difficult for that party to survive.”
The concern is that, as smaller parties weaken, regional demands may survive in political speeches while the organisations capable of bargaining for them steadily disappear. The UDP’s collapse is therefore more than a party crisis. It is a test of whether Meghalaya’s regional politics can renew itself—or whether the pursuit of access to power will leave its smaller parties with the identity, but none of the leverage, of regional representation.