Two German foundations, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, have ceased operations in Georgia, where they had worked for more than two decades.
The move follows the adoption of a law on grants that requires foreign foundations to obtain government permission to operate in Georgia. The two foundations failed to secure approval and announced their withdrawal from the country.
Two other German foundations, the Heinrich Böll Foundation and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, have resumed operations after a pause — at least for now.
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The problems facing German foundations in Georgia are not viewed in isolation. Instead, they are seen as another consequence of repressive legislation and a clear sign that relations between Tbilisi and Berlin have reached an impasse.
Germany was among the first countries to support Georgia and express solidarity with it in the early years after independence. However, relations between Georgia and Germany have deteriorated over the past several years.
The crisis deepened in 2024, when the Georgian government’s decision to suspend European integration, its adoption of repressive laws and its crackdown on protests drew sharp criticism from the German government.
The Georgian authorities responded by launching a campaign to discredit Germany’s ambassador and the country as a whole. Germany, in turn, imposed visa restrictions on some members of the ruling Georgian Dream party. It also suspended planned development projects worth €237 million with the Georgian government.
Germany is more than just a partner country for Georgia. It is one of the European Union’s most influential political players, while Georgia remains a candidate for EU membership. The deterioration in Georgian-German relations therefore goes beyond diplomatic disagreements.
What German foundations did in Georgia
All four German foundations had operated in Georgia since the early 2000s. Their aim was to support the country’s democratic development and strengthen civil society. They worked with government agencies, civil society organisations, young people, researchers, women and minority groups. Their activities covered a wide range of areas, and they implemented dozens of projects across the country that benefited hundreds of people.
Dea Metreveli, who holds a doctorate in philology, headed the state-run Book Centre for many years. She says it would have been very difficult for the centre to attend prestigious events such as the Frankfurt Book Fair without support from the German foundations. Georgia’s participation, which also brought Georgian authors to the fair, had been a major achievement.
“When we prepared for the fair in 2018, the foundations had already laid the groundwork for our participation. They helped us organise various events. Much of this tremendous success came from our cooperation with them,” Metreveli recalls.
Giorgi Butikashvili, a lecturer at Ilia State University, worked for 12 years as a programme manager at the South Caucasus office of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.
He recalls, among other things, joint Georgian-Abkhaz projects and dialogue between religious communities. The foundation’s support made these initiatives possible. He says Georgian government agencies took part in all these projects.
“When projects involving Abkhaz participants began, for example, everything was coordinated with the Ministry of Reconciliation. We planned everything in line with the government’s strategy. Germany was not pursuing its own interests; it was helping Georgia pursue its national interests. The German government provided resources that the Georgian state itself lacked.”
Metreveli also remembers a specific project involving Abkhaz participants: a joint collection of works by contemporary Georgian and Abkhaz women writers, published in Georgian and Abkhaz. It was one of the last projects the Konrad Adenauer Foundation helped implement.
“Imagine a single book featuring four contemporary Georgian women writers alongside four Abkhaz women writers living in Sukhumi. They worked together for a year, discussed the concept of the publication together and became friends.”
The Soviet Past Research Laboratory (SOVLAB) also worked with all four German foundations at various times over many years. Irakli Khvadagiani, a historian and researcher at the organisation, says their support enabled SOVLAB to publish a range of works on the Soviet and Russian occupation, state terror and the stories of countless individuals.
“From 2012 onwards, the state effectively pursued a passive-aggressive approach. It had no agenda for memory politics. On the contrary, it left the door wide open to Russian disinformation. Then, from the late 2010s, the authorities moved into a more aggressive phase: attacks on us and civil society, and the closure of archives. Under these conditions, we were able to keep working largely thanks to these foundations.”
Khvadagiani says the foundations helped fill the vacuum that the Russian regime was creating in the fields of historical memory, research and the teaching of contemporary history. None of this work would have been possible without the support of Germany’s partners.
Beyond the foundations’ work in Georgia itself, the German government also supported hundreds of young Georgians in pursuing higher education in Germany. One of them is Mamuka Andguladze, chair of the Media Advocacy Coalition. Funding from Germany’s DAAD programme enabled him to earn a doctorate in media law in Germany.
“It was very important to me to have the opportunity to study in Germany. Hundreds of young people had the same opportunity. And what happened to the knowledge they gained? They brought it back to our country. You get an education and return home to help build better institutions, a better court system and better elections.”
Why the problem facing the foundations is about more than the foundations themselves
Tina Khidasheli, Georgia’s former defence minister and now head of the organisation Civic IDEA, believes the problems facing German foundations should not be viewed solely as a consequence of repressive legislation.
In her view, this is the first clear sign of deteriorating relations between Georgia and Germany. She says Germany has historically played a key role in the development of the Georgian state, dating back to the early 20th century. Georgia’s state institutions are rooted in German legislation, law and institutional structures. Politicians from successive generations have attached particular importance to relations with Germany, making the current situation unprecedented.
For Giorgi Butikashvili, the situation clearly confirms an attempt to consolidate autocratic rule in Georgia.
“The closure of foreign foundations was the final stage in Russia, Belarus and Azerbaijan, when the authorities decided to consolidate autocracy once and for all. This is a symptom of autocratic regimes,” Butikashvili stresses.
What does the tension with Berlin mean for Tbilisi?
According to Irakli Khvadagiani, the crisis in relations with Germany means that Georgia remains behind an Iron Curtain.
“This is a continuation of the imperialist and aggressive policy Russia pursued, including during the Soviet era. Its sphere of influence — the territory it claims, which it sees as encompassing much of Eurasia — must remain behind an Iron Curtain. No outside influence, no ties, no cooperation.”
Tina Khidasheli, meanwhile, does not believe the Georgian Dream government singled out Germany in particular. She points out that its representatives have used similar rhetoric against other European countries. Nevertheless, she sees this as a dangerous sign.
“We are talking about a country that belongs to the G7. A country that is the strongest economically, or by any other measure. Moreover, since Brexit, Germany has become the most important player in the European Union. It carries the greatest weight internationally when it comes to European policy,” Khidasheli says.
She recalls that Germany blocked Georgia’s path towards NATO membership in 2008. It is therefore logical and natural that Georgia’s state policy has always aimed to establish and maintain good relations with Berlin.
“Germany’s veto, Germany’s opposition, mean that we have no chance not only of joining any future round of enlargement, but even of establishing serious relations with either the European Union or NATO.”
Meanwhile, relations between Georgia and Germany have reached an impasse despite the fact that several senior Georgian officials built their professional careers in Germany.
From 2003 to 2020, Georgian Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili worked for the German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ) and the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), including as head of the Georgian team.
Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze earned a doctorate in law at Heinrich Heine University Düsseldorf.
Another Georgian Dream member, Nikoloz Samkharadze, who chairs parliament’s Foreign Relations Committee, also studied in Germany on a Konrad Adenauer Foundation scholarship. In 2003, the foundation funded his master’s degree in European studies at the University of Hanover.
For Tina Khidasheli, the Georgian government members’ ties to Germany are the main reason for the current problems.
“[Georgian Dream founder] Bidzina Ivanishvili demanded that they ‘sort things out’ with Germany, but they failed to do so. This subsequently gave way to aggressive rhetoric,” Khidasheli believes.
She adds that if Georgia wants to make progress towards joining the European Union or NATO, it is crucial for Berlin to support Tbilisi. Otherwise, such progress is impossible. In her view, however, this is precisely what Georgian Dream wants to prevent.
“That is their goal: to squander the opportunity for European integration and then make it look as though they are not to blame.”