At the very beginning, he reflected on the best and most difficult moments of the election campaign.
Speaking about the atmosphere at the rally in Niš, Aleksandar Vučić said he had been surprised by the turnout, noting that the venue was larger than the one in Novi Sad and that it was therefore more difficult to create such an atmosphere.
“I was surprised because Niš is not an easy place to create that kind of atmosphere. I don't know, it's simply different. The square is larger, the space is bigger than in Novi Sad, and it's harder to create that kind of atmosphere,” he said.
He added that, despite the rain, the atmosphere had been spectacular and that a large number of people had filled the area all the way to the bridge.
“It was raining, too, but it really was spectacular. The entire little bridge area was packed, all the way to the bridge, and the whole bridge was full of people. People must certainly have come from other places as well. I don't like embellishing things or presenting them differently from how they really are, but it was a wonderful atmosphere, and I thank those people,” Vučić said.
Speaking about the most difficult moments during the campaign, he said that they had run a clean campaign under impossible conditions.
“Well, there were many wonderful moments. We ran a clean campaign under impossible conditions. People forget that I entered the campaign as an ordinary citizen, not as the President of the Republic, while, as President of the Republic, I endured the harshest and most intense attacks imaginable. We were fighting an opponent who was extraordinarily powerful,” Vučić added.
Vučić then emphasized that, according to him, their opponents were not students but major powers that wanted to bring Serbia down.
“Our opponent is not some children or students, but powerful major powers that wanted to bring Serbia down and had partially succeeded in doing so over the previous two years,” Vučić concluded.
Vučić also spoke about his impressions of the election campaign, highlighting the atmosphere at rallies, messages from citizens that had particularly moved him, and what he described as the campaign's most difficult moments.
Speaking about a slogan displayed by citizens during the rally, Vučić said he had been particularly touched by the message: “We don't need anything, just win.”
“I saw tonight that everyone wanted to take pictures underneath that slogan. They repeated it, and instead of writing, ‘We don't need anything,’ they wrote, ‘We don't need anything, just win,’ and ‘The Southern Railway.’ And that is, how should I put it, ordinary people always have something to ask for, something they want. They ask for all sorts of things during an election campaign. That's how life works; it's not entirely straightforward. But this was, for example, a wonderful slogan, and it was really emotional,” Vučić said.
Speaking about the most difficult moments, he said he had been shocked by an incident he referred to in his statement, as well as by the lack of a response to it.
He assessed that the campaign had proceeded without major problems, despite the criticism and difficulties he claimed to have faced.
“We ran a clean campaign under impossible conditions. People forget that I entered the campaign as an ordinary citizen, not as the President of the Republic, while, as President of the Republic, I endured the harshest and most intense attacks imaginable. We were fighting an opponent who was extraordinarily powerful,” Vučić said.
He added that, in his assessment, the opponents were not students but powerful major forces that wanted to bring Serbia down.
“Our opponent is not some children or students, but powerful major forces that wanted to bring Serbia down and had partially succeeded in doing so over the previous two years,” he said.
Speaking about negative comments and interruptions of television broadcasts, Vučić said he had become accustomed to hearing criticism directed at his family and Serbia.
“I have heard all sorts of disgusting things about my family and Serbia. I'm used to it. They banned me from appearing on television. Today, they interrupted the broadcast, resumed it, and then interrupted my speech again,” Vučić said.
He specifically mentioned his address in Novi Sad, claiming that the speech had been interrupted almost immediately after he began speaking.
“They cut off my speech in Novi Sad. They interrupted it after three minutes and didn't broadcast any more of it. Later, they kept interrupting us, resuming the broadcast, interrupting it again, and then resuming it once more. But in Novi Sad, they cut it off immediately, as soon as I began speaking. They don't want that to be heard on that television channel,” he said.
Looking ahead to the elections, he said the political contest would be uncertain and repeated his claim that his opponents had united.
“I think the elections will certainly be uncertain, and people need to understand that everyone who is against us has united,” Vučić said.
He criticized the support that, according to him, his political opponents had received from certain public figures and political actors, including Nataša Kandić, Sonja Biserko, and Albin Kurti.
According to him, his political opponents were avoiding giving clear answers to questions about important political issues, including relations with Russia, Srebrenica, and Kosovo and Metohija.
“We haven't heard any answers to the question of whether they will impose sanctions on Russia, even though we all know they will. They know it, too, which is why they avoid answering,” Vučić stated.
He added that, in his assessment, the same problem applied to Srebrenica and Kosovo and Metohija.
“The same thing happened with the question of whether we had begun apologizing over Srebrenica or not. The same applies to Kosovo and Metohija,” he said.
Vučić then criticized his political opponents over their position on Kosovo and Metohija, claiming that they had no candidates living in the territory.
“They understand the situation in Kosovo and Metohija so poorly that they don't have a single candidate from Kosovo and Metohija, not one person who lives there. They have no one,” he said.
Vučić also said that he believed election campaigns were increasingly placing less emphasis on achievements and completed projects, while, in his view, foreign investment in political activities and the interests of foreign intelligence services were exerting greater influence.
“There comes a time when it no longer matters what you have done or how much you have accomplished, because people from foreign intelligence services have become involved in this undertaking, with enormous investments in this country against our country. They want precisely those kinds of people to come to power—people who will be obedient,” Vučić said.
As an example, he referred to earlier political campaigns and the attitudes of certain political leaders toward the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague. He recalled statements from that period when, according to him, politicians attempted to avoid a subject that was unpopular in Serbia.
“During the campaign, there was that famous dinner involving political leaders. When they were asked about the Hague Tribunal, they knew the issue was unpopular in Serbia, so they all answered: ‘Well, that's the least of our concerns.’ But then that issue, which had supposedly been the least of their concerns, became their overriding priority. The Hague Tribunal became the central issue. They told everything, even though they knew at the time that they were lying and misleading the public,” Vučić said.
Speaking about the current campaign, Vučić also mentioned statements by Karović and Saičić, claiming that certain political actors said what the public wanted to hear while avoiding concrete answers to important questions.
“As you can see from what they said yesterday evening—if you listened to Karović, if you listened to Saičić—they all pretend to be naive. They say what they like and what someone might want to hear, but they don't answer a single question,” he said.
According to him, his political opponents knew what they would have to do if they won the elections but were unwilling to discuss those actions openly before the vote.
“All these people need to understand that they know perfectly well what they will have to do in the future. Just as Srdanović said prematurely, we all knew that we had to allow Montenegro to join, and that in return we would receive money in Belgrade. Srdanović spoke about that publicly. In the same way, these people know what they will have to deliver if they win the elections. They simply won't tell you before they win, because they have been forbidden from doing so,” Vučić said.
Speaking about his interview with Ms. Sobchak, Vučić said he had presented his interpretation of the key reasons behind the pressure on Serbia, emphasizing, above all, Belgrade's relations with Russia and China.
“It was a difficult interview with Ms. Sobchak. You may have noticed that, although she expected me to speak negatively about President Zelensky, I did not do that. She expected other things as well, but those expectations were not fulfilled. However, I could not avoid telling the full truth about what I see as the key underlying cause,” he explained.
“Ultimately, it essentially comes down to what you said. But I see at least three reasons, and I see a fourth as well. The first is our relationship with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, particularly with the Russian Federation.
“Of course, they don't like Chinese investments, as Andreja said, because China is progressing at an enormous pace. People in our country have an emotional attachment to Russia, and few people overlook or forget China. China is the greatest concern of the Western world. China is progressing the fastest, and they cannot stop China in artificial intelligence, robotics, or semiconductors. The United States is still slightly ahead in those areas, we could say, and in nothing else,” he said.
“Within that first point, they feel particularly strongly about our relationship with Russia. They say: ‘A small country like Serbia will not ignore us. Serbia won't do that when we don't allow even major countries such as Romania, Poland, Spain, Italy, and others to do it. A small country like Serbia, which doesn't even receive money from European funds or anything of that sort, will not be allowed to pursue its own independent and sovereign policy. It will not be allowed to decide that flights to Moscow, Sochi, and St. Petersburg—and flights in the opposite direction—can continue. It will not be allowed to defy us in every possible forum. And it will not be allowed to remain a small obstacle in Europe's path as Europe prepares for a future state of war with the Russian Federation.’”
“I don't want Serbia to be part of that war, and I would never allow Serbia to become part of it. Why would they want that? Of course it bothers them. They want to bring in their obedient followers, people who will be patted on the back and praised. Everyone will be delighted,” he said.
“I will remind you of what happened in North Macedonia, which was simply called Macedonia at the time, when Zoran Zaev came to power. It was presented as a world-changing event, and all sorts of other things were said. It ended with Macedonia changing its name, without anything good coming of it.
“I just want to tell you... I am not even saying that he wanted it or intended it. I am simply telling you how things turned out, because you have to pay a price for the assistance you receive from others, including the bombings, the expulsion of Gruevski, the attempts to arrest people, and everything else,” Vučić explained.
“That is the first point. The second point is something I want to remind you of through the words of Sergey Lavrov. Whatever people may think of the Russians, they often identify certain things accurately that no one in our public discourse has noticed,” he said.
Vučić recalled what he described as one of Serbia's most difficult political battles, concerning a proposed resolution on Srebrenica and the condemnation of the Serbian people for genocide.
“That was everything. I gave up everything and stayed there for ten days, working. From there, the then American ambassador, Escobar, established a special headquarters in Vienna against us, related to the German-Romanian proposal concerning the condemnation of Serbia—or, more precisely, the condemnation of the Serbian people for genocide in Srebrenica,” he said.
“That was the toughest possible battle. For those who were in the room, we won by 87 votes to 84. Another 19 representatives who were on our side left the room, including representatives from Israel and Azerbaijan,” Vučić said, adding:
“They will never forgive me for that. And for Annalena Baerbock to forgive me? That's impossible. Shanjhanaa Brown later told Aleksandar—and he said this publicly, as you may have noticed, I'm sure—that ‘Aleksandar Vučić knows, and must know, that I will never forgive him for this and that it will cost him dearly.’
“I knew that even then, and I chose that path, knowing what would happen and that I would have to pay the highest possible price for it.”
Kosovo and Metohija, foreign influence, and political pressure
Speaking about Kosovo and Metohija, Vučić addressed criticism of the Brussels Agreement, arguing that certain facts were being presented out of context.
“The third thing is that, as you know, I hear all kinds of lies about Kosovo and Metohija. It is easy to be a general after the battle, to take things out of context and talk nonsense about the Brussels Agreement. That is another matter entirely.
Dačić signed that agreement. You see, they have never attacked him over it; they have always attacked me. And I have no problem with that. I refused to sign it,” Vučić added.
Vučić continued speaking about what he described as foreign interference in Serbia's political affairs, accusing certain media outlets and organizations of participating in a campaign against the government. He argued that, in his view, foreign intelligence services and substantial financial resources were behind such activities.
He argued that citizens supported the political opposition for various reasons but claimed that a program imposed by foreign actors lay behind the opposition's activities.
“There are three reasons, and everyone is entitled to their own reasons. Some people are fed up; others have personal frustrations or simply dislike something. Some have accepted the propaganda of dehumanization, criminalization, and everything else. Every person has the freedom to project whatever they want onto their nonexistent program.
“Their program is the program of foreigners who want them to recognize Kosovo, acknowledge that we committed genocide, and impose sanctions on Russia. That is their program—but it is not really theirs; it has been imposed on them. Everyone is free to interpret it however they wish,” Vučić said.
Vučić on his record in office
Speaking about his government's record, Vučić emphasized that, in his view, he had not lost territory, had not imposed sanctions on Russia, and had strengthened relations with China, India, and the United States.
“I haven't lost a single inch of this country's territory. Not an inch. I haven't extradited a single Serb to the Hague Tribunal. I haven't imposed sanctions on the Russian Federation.
“I have opened Serbia up to China in a way no one else has ever done, and to India as well, if you like, and ultimately to the United States, by initiating a strategic dialogue with the US.
“Throughout all of this, we achieved the best economic results in our history. You cannot take that away from me,” he said.
He also spoke about infrastructure projects, claiming that numerous highways and railway lines had been built.
“When I was in Niš tonight, people were saying that whichever highway they take, Vučić built it. If they head south, east, or west, when they go to Prokuplje, every highway was built by Vučić. Only Tito built the one toward Seme. Whichever railway line they take, Vučić built it.
“You know, these are things you cannot take away, and you cannot take this away from me,” he said.
Addressing claims that he might leave the country, Vučić stressed that he had no intention of doing so. He recalled a conversation he claimed to have had with Russian President Vladimir Putin about former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych.
“They say I'll flee to Slovakia or go somewhere else. I have sworn allegiance to my people. I will never run away anywhere.
“When I spoke to Putin about Yanukovych, I asked him, in those exact words: ‘Where did you find him? Where did you find someone who, on the very first day things became difficult, felt the pressure and ran away to Russia?’
“He smiled in a certain way. I could see his reaction, and no matter what I said or what anyone else might say, I could see how disappointed he was by Yanukovych's actions. Yanukovych had been his ally in Ukraine.
“I could see how disappointed he was, too, by certain other people, although I won't talk about that because it might bother him. What I'm saying now does not bother him.
“I told him: ‘Listen, let me tell you the truth and give you some details.’ He replied: ‘You see, I would immediately say that you would never leave Serbia.’
“That shows how intelligent you are and how well you can read people, unlike Femić, Grigorijević, and all the others, because they judge others by themselves,” Vučić said.
He then declared that he would accept the election result, whatever it might be, emphasizing that he had devoted all his energy to explaining to citizens what he believed was happening in the country and what kind of pressure Serbia was facing.
“They really think someone will run away when they see high voter turnout. Win or lose. Lose or win. I'll sing ‘Ruzmarin’ because I gave everything I had. I did everything I could to explain to people what was happening.
“For the first time, I have nothing to reproach myself for, because I invested all my energy and strength in explaining things to people, showing them what was happening, and trying to overcome the most difficult external pressures and defeat the so-called color revolution.
“If I haven't succeeded, I have still succeeded in my own way. My battle was to give everything I had. If I fail, I'll stay here and continue fighting. It doesn't matter to me what position I hold. They will never break my spirit, change my opinions, my ideas, or my ideology. Never. And those things will live on. They will continue to haunt them,” Vučić said.
He rejected claims that he was afraid of his political opponents, recalling the events of October 5, 2000.
“As for the idea that they are somehow very dangerous and that someone is afraid of them, that is nonsense. I wasn't afraid of them in 2000, on October 5. I went outside that day. Ask Stefanović what happened when they tried to physically attack me. I just want you to understand that,” Vučić concluded.
Political loyalty and the role of public figures
Vučić also addressed changes in the positions of certain political figures, arguing that holding office and fighting for power could change people. Speaking about political alliances and messages directed at the public, he said that citizens often projected their own expectations onto statements made by political opponents.
“Look at how he has changed. How a seat in office changes a person. What is it about a seat in office, people? I've seen this hundreds of times. How can he be on the same electoral list as someone who said that Kosovo and Metohija is an independent territory?” Vučić asked.
He then referred to statements concerning Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović and announced that he would play a recording of a statement allegedly made by Nikola Pejković several days earlier.
“Yes, but he said that this person had stood up for Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović and had made certain other statements. He confirmed it a few days ago and said that it would become an issue in the future. He said it wasn't an issue now, but that it would be.
“Everyone projects their own wishes onto the nonsense they hear. But in this connection, I want to play a recording of what Nikola Pejković said a few days ago. It's very interesting. He described the situation... And it has become... This has become the message: ‘How did you end up on the other side, brother?’ What Pejković said has become a manifesto for every Serb,” Vučić said.
“And one more thing: the man Kolja Pejaković was speaking to certainly does not possess his knowledge, intelligence, or education. But, of course, as Descartes said long ago, reason is the best-distributed quality among human beings: everyone believes they have enough of it, and no one thinks they lack it. That man thought the same way.
“To him, Kolja Pejaković was nothing—an insignificant person, a contemptible individual, and all the other things they say about me as well. But there is no answer to this, no rational answer.
“We are not engaged in a rational struggle here. That is... I feel the need to give Kolja credit,” Vučić added.
Relations with Russia and Vladimir Putin
Vučić spoke about relations with Russia, criticism of his policies, and what he described as attempts by political opponents and certain media outlets to undermine the government's achievements and portray Serbia as a dictatorship.
“Putin has awarded me the Order of Alexander Nevsky. Since the time of Nikola Pašić, no one else from Serbia has received it,” Vučić said.
Vučić then claimed that the Russian president had previously expressed the hope that he would become Serbia's prime minister.
“Putin said he hoped Vučić would become prime minister. Putin doesn't understand the real situation in Serbia, which is why he said that. Last October, he said that a dangerous revolution was underway in Serbia.
“Of course they want that. They have their own intelligence services, and anyone could see what was happening. And we have one of the world's most serious intelligence services, the American one,” Vučić said.
Speaking about criticism coming from certain media outlets, Vučić argued that people often interpret events according to their own interests and beliefs.
“I just want to tell you one thing. Everyone has projected their own wishes onto the situation. Anyone guided by personal interests has their own frustrations, but there are also people who genuinely believe what they are saying,” he stressed.
He added that, in his view, the denial of his government's achievements was more important than the personal attacks directed at him.
“And, of course, what matters much more to me than this dehumanization—because I really don't care whether someone likes me or not—is respect. What matters is the denial of our achievements. They cannot understand that this was the best period and that Serbs have never lived better in their history than they do today,” Vučić said.
Economic growth and future investments
Speaking about economic prospects, Vučić predicted that Serbia could have Europe's highest economic growth rate the following year.
“Whether you like it or not, that is a fact. Will Serbia have the highest growth rate in Europe next year? Yes, it will. We will try to use that opportunity to raise more money on the capital markets and invest it in hospitals, health centers, water supply systems, medicines, and everything else,” Vučić said.
He reiterated that, in his opinion, his political opponents did not want to discuss the government's record because they had already portrayed him as someone unworthy of public support.
“They are not interested in any of this because they have succeeded in carrying out that first step: dehumanization,” he said.
Political resistance and the opposition
Vučić spoke about resistance from political opponents and citizens, arguing that Serbia's political circumstances had changed over the previous year and a half.
He said that, despite what he described as substantial financial and political support for his opponents, they had failed to achieve the results they had expected.
“It helped create strong resistance among people who previously had no chance.
“A year and a half ago, none of us had any chance. Absolutely none. Our society as a whole had no chance.
“Then, gradually, resistance began to grow among freedom-oriented people throughout Serbia,” Vučić said.
Speaking about the importance of individual support, he mentioned Filip Grbić, arguing that every vote could contribute to change in society.
“Filip Grbić's vote will not make a particularly significant difference to their losses or our gains. But when you add one vote, it contributes to changing everything.
“That person... well, I can't say anything about him. But that vote changed everything, in a way. His vote, just like every other person's vote in this country, matters and changes things.
“When enough of those votes come together, we have the strength to preserve normality in our country,” he said.
He added that he owed this resistance to people such as Andreja and Filip, whom he described as individuals committed to freedom.
“And that is thanks to Andreja, Filip, and people like them—freedom-oriented people who understood what was happening and refused to let us be made fools of.
“Because I am not even sure this was accidental. Perhaps they were deliberately playing games with us. I don't mean the people in the plenums; they don't make the decisions. I mean those who give orders to the plenums.
“Perhaps they deliberately sent us these people to humiliate us, to tell us: ‘We will humiliate you by putting people like these in power,’” Vučić said.
Comparisons with Serbia's political past
Speaking about the period after 2000, Vučić drew a parallel with the arrest of Slobodan Milošević on Vidovdan, accusing the government of that time of enabling the country to be plundered.
“They humiliated us with Milošević's arrest on Vidovdan, bringing in the worst people—literally the worst criminals, the most corrupt individuals, the worst thieves—to plunder our country between 2000 and 2012,” he said.
Vučić then presented figures concerning employment in Niš, emphasizing that the number of employed people had increased compared with 2012, despite the city's smaller population.
“I was in Niš tonight. Do you know how many people work in Niš today?
“There are 12,000 fewer people living in Niš. That is a positive thing, considering... Only Novi Sad has more, and obviously Belgrade does as well, because Vračar, Stari Grad, and New Belgrade have very few children, and so on.
“In Niš, 21,000 more people are employed today than in 2012, even though the city has 12,000 fewer residents. There are 21,000 more formally employed people than there were then.
“Do you understand what an extraordinary achievement we have made internationally?” Vučić said.
He repeated his claim that his political opponents wanted to impose political representatives on Serbia who would undermine the country's independence.
“They want to put people like these in power so that they can destroy our country.
“They play games with us deliberately... with these symbols and signs. I have never liked conspiracy theories. I have always opposed them.
“But they enjoy using signals, symbols, and signs to humiliate a nation that has dared to be free—a small island in the heart of Europe that refuses to give up its freedom, that jealously protects it and will not surrender it to anyone.
“And this small country must be punished. It must be punished. Literally, by being given people like these,” Vučić said.
In conclusion, Vučić emphasized that he was proud of his political convictions and of the people he had met through his political activities.