Two months after Abelardo de la Espriella took office, security has become the centerpiece of his administration’s political agenda. The Colombian president has turned his crackdown on criminal organizations, arrests, extraditions to the United States, and drug and weapons seizures into a show of authority, in keeping with the tough-on-crime approach he promised during the campaign.
However, the first available data paint a less compelling picture: several indicators remain below the averages recorded in recent years, while others raise questions about the consistency of official figures.
The gap between the president’s rhetoric and law enforcement records has sparked a debate over how to measure the results of a strategy the administration presents as a break with its predecessor’s security policy. Although the government highlights its operations and pressure on armed groups, the figures released so far do not establish that a broad improvement has taken place.
Moreover, the administration’s unmistakable show of force must translate into a sustained reduction in violence and greater protection for citizens, something that can only be assessed over the medium term.
How much has De la Espriella really improved security in Colombia?
One of the most relevant indicators is drug seizures. According to Defense Ministry data covering the period from August 7 to September 19, cited by the Spanish newspaper El Pais, authorities seized 94,868 kilograms of drugs.
That figure represents a 45% drop from the average recorded during the same periods in the previous four years, when seizures averaged 173,665 kilograms.
The decline is particularly pronounced in cocaine, one of the main targets of the fight against drug trafficking. During the period analyzed, authorities seized 63,310 kilograms, 47% less than in 2025 and 58% below the figure recorded in 2024. Seizures of marijuana, basuco and heroin also declined. Cocaine base paste was the exception, increasing 2.8% from the previous year.
The fact is that these figures alone do not prove that drug production or trafficking has increased, nor do they establish that either has declined just 60 days after the new government took office.
Seizures depend on operational activity, available intelligence, drug trafficking routes and criminal organizations’ ability to evade law enforcement. However, the figures make it harder to portray seizures as an exceptional victory without explaining the differences from previous periods.

Guns seized and arrests under scrutiny
The figures on firearms seizures point to a similar conclusion. The Presidency reported 2,316 guns seized between August 7 and September 19, but consolidated data for August show that the monthly total remains within the range recorded in recent years.
A total of 1,755 guns were seized in August, 11.6% below the average for the past five years. In the same month of 2025, authorities seized 1,788; in 2024, 1,573; in 2023, 2,032; and in 2022, 2,546. This year’s figure, therefore, is neither a record nor evidence in itself of a significant increase in the authorities’ ability to remove weapons from circulation.
The indicator also raises questions about the consistency of the government’s message. While the administration promotes a policy favoring the legal carrying of firearms by certain citizens, it presents weapons seizures as a security achievement. Assessing the scope of those results would require distinguishing between illegal weapons, firearms linked to criminal activity, and weapons seized for other violations.
The number of arrests is the most controversial element of the government’s assessment. On September 19, De la Espriella announced that 21,940 arrests had been made since he took office. However, available National Police records do not support that cumulative figure.
The agency recorded 6,660 arrests in August, compared with an average of 6,300 for the same month over the previous four years. The 5.7% increase is the only one among the three main indicators that exceeds the recent average. Even so, it does not represent an all-time high: authorities recorded 6,848 arrests in August 2025.
The discrepancy between the presidential report and police data requires clarification regarding which agencies were included, what period was covered, and which categories of arrests were counted. Without that information, it is difficult to determine whether the government is demonstrating an extraordinary improvement or combining figures that are not directly comparable.
Tough-on-crime policies as the Government’s trademark
Since taking office on August 7, De la Espriella has sought to make security the defining feature of his administration. His strategy prioritizes military and police offensives against armed groups, the pursuit of their leaders, tougher prison conditions, and increased pressure on drug trafficking. The president has also announced a 90-day crackdown aimed at capturing 10 leaders of criminal organizations.
The strategy has an evident political dimension. De la Espriella came to power promising to reverse the deterioration in security and abandon the negotiation-based approach pursued by Gustavo Petro’s government. His presence at security operations, his statements against armed groups, and the frequent release of operational results are intended to convey the message that the state has regained the initiative.
However, the confrontation with the Conquistador Self-Defense Forces of the Sierra Nevada in September exposed the difficulties of that strategy, raising questions about the nature of the operation that, for example, led to the death of the leader known as alias “Bendito Menor.”
In this regard, although government operations dealt blows to the group’s leadership and enabled dozens of its members to be transferred to maximum-security prisons, the organization managed to sustain a three-day armed strike that brought Santa Marta to a standstill — following the death of another leader — and disrupted commercial and tourism activities.
The episode showed that the ability to strike a criminal organization does not necessarily translate into territorial control. The city came to a complete standstill, dealing a blow to tourism, a vital sector of its economy.

The challenge of demonstrating lasting results
Security cannot be measured solely by the number of arrests, tons of drugs seized, or weapons taken out of circulation. It is also necessary to establish whether homicides, extortion, kidnappings, and displacement are declining; whether communities are regaining freedom of movement; and whether illegal organizations are losing their ability to impose their own rules on the population.
That is the main challenge facing the new government, and the reality is that achieving those goals takes time. Initial assessments provide information on the activities of security forces, but they are not enough to determine whether the strategy is reducing the power of armed groups.
Moreover, the figures need identifiable sources, comparable time frames, and transparent criteria to distinguish extraordinary results from normal fluctuations. Ultimately, those numbers must translate into tangible improvements in people’s everyday lives.
Caution is also warranted given the limited time that has elapsed since the inauguration. Two months is far too short a period to attribute structural changes to a public policy, particularly in a country where conflict dynamics vary considerably from one region to another. That limitation does not prevent an assessment of the initial indicators, but it does require avoiding definitive conclusions.
Hoy es un gran día para Colombia. La Operación Centinela de la Patria dio un golpe contundente al narcoterrorismo: gracias a una acción impecable de nuestra Policía Nacional y de un comando especial de la DIJIN, fue dado de baja alias Naím o “Bendito Menor”, uno de los criminales más peligrosos del país.
Llegó a su fin la trayectoria sanguinaria de este narcoterrorista, responsable de sembrar extorsión, narcotráfico y terror en La Guajira y el Caribe colombiano.
Le cayó la mano firme del Estado. En el Gobierno del Tigre, la gente honesta no volverá a vivir de rodillas ni sometida por el miedo. Ahora son los criminales los que deben temer al imperio de la ley: o se someten a la justicia o enfrentarán toda la fuerza legítima del Estado.
Desde mi posesión impartí una instrucción perentoria a la cúpula militar y policial: convertir a este criminal en objetivo de alto valor y perseguirlo sin descanso. Hoy, con la Operación Centinela de la Patria, demostramos que las órdenes se cumplen y que cuando el Estado actúa con determinación, inteligencia y contundencia, el crimen retrocede.
Mi respaldo a nuestra Fuerza Pública es absoluto. A nuestros héroes no los vamos a abandonar, desamparar ni dejar humillar. Colombia está recuperando el orden, la autoridad y la tranquilidad que los criminales pretendieron arrebatarnos.
¡Firme por la patria!
¡Viva Cristo Rey!
(A.D.L.E.)— Abelardo De La Espriella (@ABDELAESPRIELLA) September 4, 2026


