Given the ever-growing ties between Nicosia and Tel Aviv, it was likely only a matter of time before the Israel lobby began making advances to Cypriot politicians, culminating in the launch of the Cyprus parliamentary caucus of the Israel Allies Foundation. The move could hardly be more controversial, coming at a time when Israel is accused of committing war crimes and genocide in Gaza.
The official launch of the Cyprus caucus of the IAF – a pro-Israel advocacy organisation – took place on Wednesday, October 14.
The IAF is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation with parliamentary groups in 68 parliaments. It was founded in 2007 by orthodox rabbi Benny Elon. A well-known figure in the radical settler movement, Elon favoured annexing the West Bank and “voluntary transfer” of the Palestinians to Jordan.
In its own words, the IAF works with the US Congress and parliaments worldwide to mobilise “faith-based support” for Israel.
The announcement of the Cyprus caucus set off a political firestorm, with Akel and Disy trading barbs, reflecting their vastly divergent stances vis a vis relations with Israel.
Directing its ire at Disy, Diko and Elam, Akel accused them of turning the House into a lobby for Israel.
In a statement, the party called the move “extremely provocative” and said it was “unprecedented” in Cypriot parliamentary history.
The six members of the Cypriot parliament who created the local IAF caucus are: Chrysis Pantelides and Andreas Apostolou of Diko; Giorgos Karoullas and Charalambos Petrides of Disy; and Sotiris Ioannou and Marios Pelekanos of Elam.
Then this past week, President Nikos Christodoulides received a delegation from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (Aipac) at the presidential palace. It served as further confirmation of the Israel lobby’s outreach to Cyprus.
MPs brought into international network
According to the IAF website, a day prior to the unveiling of the Cypriot IAF-aligned group, the IAF delegation were the guests at a dinner held in Cyprus.
“The evening before the launch, the IAF Europe Delegation was received by the new chair for an exclusive dinner. The dinner was attended by the Speaker of the Cypriote [sic] Parliament, Annita Demetriou, the Israeli Ambassador to Cyprus, party presidents and former ministers,” the website says.
A person with direct knowledge of the matter confirmed this to the Cyprus Mail. The source said the attendees included Diko’s Pantelides, Diko chief Nicholas Papadopoulos, Disy leader Demetriou, Disy MP Charalambos Petrides, and Elam MP Marios Pelekanos.
Hosted by Pantelides, the chair of the Cypriot caucus, the dinner was held at a Nicosia restaurant.
The sources told us the social event was the first time they were personally meeting with the IAF people.
As to how it all came about, the Cyprus Mail understands that the Cypriot MPs had been sounded out by Pantelides with the idea of joining the group. Pantelides made the overtures a couple of weeks before the IAF delegation came to Cyprus.
“We see the partnership as mutually beneficial for Cyprus and Israel – part of parliamentary diplomacy,” the same source said.
“Moreover, it gives access to MPs who are members of respective IAF caucuses in other countries – it’s a network.”
The source asserted that Cyprus stands to benefit from its ties with Israel in the areas of defence, security, healthcare, tourism and investment.
Asked whether this arm of the Israel lobby has its own expectations, the source remarked: “That goes without saying – but it’s also an overlap of interests.”
Regarding planned future face-to-face contacts with the IAF, the source did not know offhand. But the person did point out that twice a year the IAF holds a meeting with the heads of the parliamentary caucuses.
Analyst warns of strategic risks
An analyst we spoke to said the Israel lobby’s access should be seen as another marker in a long sequence – meaning the deepening ties between Cyprus and Israel.
“The fundamental policy pivot was the government’s decision to abandon traditional neutrality in favour of aligning with an Israeli–American axis,” said Ioannis Tirkides.
Effectively, he added, Cyprus is now part of an anti-Turkey alliance, together with Israel and Greece.
“What is less understood is that this alignment offers no formal security guarantees. The domestic presence of the Israel lobby simply institutionalises this posture within another pillar of the state: the House of Representatives.
“Whether the individual parliamentarians in the group and their parties see themselves as pursuing national interests, the fact is, in practice, they function as domestic conduits for this alignment. And the question that can be posed is how, converting a divided island into a Western garrison and operational staging ground for a state locked in perpetual regional conflict, is a security strategy.”
This accumulates risks Cyprus can neither understand nor manage, the analyst said.
“Now, as these ties deepen across defence, commerce, and parliamentary politics, they will be more difficult to unwind. But a reversal can occur when the political establishment faces a calamity or confronts the structural realities. The American security architecture in the region is undergoing inevitable retrenchment, and absolute security remains a dangerous illusion.”
And according to Tirkides, Cyprus cannot balance against Turkey by “subcontracting” its strategic alignment to regional actors pursuing maximalist frontiers.
“Such alignments do not deter regional adversaries, rather they merely turn Cyprus into an operational flashpoint. External lobbies or transactional partnerships do not provide a durable geopolitical umbrella.”
As examples of this policy trend, he cited the 3+1 mechanism – a strategic and diplomatic partnership bringing together the Cyprus, Greece, Israel, and the United States – giving the Israelis access to the radars in Troodos, the purchase of the Barak MX air defence system, and joint wargames.
As for the MPs who are part of the Cypriot IAF caucus, Tirkides described them as ultra-nationalist and anti-Turkey.
“They’re looking to outside powers to exert pressure on Turkey – a misguided notion, for me.”
Asked who he thinks is driving this policy train, without hesitating the analyst told us: “It’s the foreign ministry establishment, no question. Specifically, the dominant faction within that establishment that you might call the ‘fundamentalists’ – the rejectionists, those opposed to a bizonal federation solution model.
“It’s also the presidential palace, but remember that Christodoulides comes from that foreign ministry establishment.”
Incidentally, it’s perhaps of note that of the six Cypriot MPs who are members of the IAF caucus, four sit on the House foreign affairs committee – Karoullas, Petrides, Pelekanos and Pantelides.
A relationship transformed
In recent decades, Cyprus-Israel relations have shifted dramatically. Back in the 1980s and 1990s, Cyprus expressed concern over Israel’s then close defence relationship with Turkey. Nicosia outwardly backed the Palestinians in the Arab–Israeli conflict and officially recognised Palestine as a de facto state in 1988.
Cypriot first lady Androulla Vassiliou, wife of President George Vasiliou, was declared persona non grata in Israel when a delegation she was leading attempted to meet with PLO leader Yasser Arafat, who was then under house arrest.
Fast-forward to 2010, when an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) was set within the territorial waters between Israel and Cyprus at the maritime halfway point.
Then in February 2012 Benjamin Netanyahu visited Cyprus, the first visit of an Israeli prime minister in history, and the two countries signed a search and rescue agreement.
In September 2013, then Disy leader Averof Neophytou called for supporting Israel as Cyprus’ most reliable partner. Israeli president Shimon Peres called Cyprus Israel’s most predictable neighbour.
Back to the IAF, which states on its website that the organisation supports Israel by building an active global network of pro-Israel legislators, equipping communities of faith to engage with legislators, and building direct lines of communication between the Israeli government and Christian leaders worldwide.
The IAF maintains a list of Israel’s top 50 Christian allies. Making it on this ‘exclusive’ list are such figures as Paula White-Cain, who leads the White House Faith Office and is known for her influential role as US President Donald Trump’s pastor; Erika Kirk, current CEO of Turning Point USA, founded by her late husband Charlie Kirk, slain in September 2025; and football superstar Lionel Messi.
In December 2025, Trump received the Lifetime Achievement Award from the IAF at a gala held in Washington DC.
“President Trump’s commitment to Israel has altered the course of history,” IAF president Josh Reinstein said at the time.
To get a glimpse of how the IAF operates, we go all the way to Japan. In September 2025, the head of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) was lobbying Japanese MPs to back the outfit’s efforts.
“I encourage Japan to partner with the US in this incredible initiative,” GHF Executive Chairman Johnnie Moore told the lawmakers from the Japanese Israel Allies Caucus.
Moore told the Japanese MPs that the GHF was not intended to replace the more than 400 UN distribution sites that were active in Gaza before the war. The work was “too big for one organisation”, he said, but Japanese cooperation with Unrwa – the UN agency for Palestinian refugees – was no longer relevant.
“If you care about the people of Gaza and you are betting on Unrwa solving the problem, it’s just not going to happen under these circumstances,” said Moore.
Present at the gathering was the IAF’s Josh Reinstein.
Only a few months earlier, Unrwa had called the GHF’s distribution scheme a “sadistic death trap” responsible for the killing of more than 1,000 starving Palestinian civilians.
The GHF began operations in May 2025, becoming for a time Israel’s preferred aid delivery mechanism in Gaza, allowing it to bypass the established UN-led system.
The outfit operated four distribution sites – down from 400 under the UN-led system – staffed by armed US security contractors and monitored by Israeli forces. Massive crowds, funneled through caged corridors, often at night, were repeatedly fired on by Israeli soldiers.