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The world is at a crossroads: It is not yet certain whether the 21st century will be defined by freedom or tyranny.
One thing we do know is that neither Britain nor America will be bystanders in the struggle.
History shows that whenever our allies call, our nations answer.
Today, there is nowhere more important for that call to be answered than in Ukraine.
Ukraine is the frontline for freedom and democracy everywhere — and while it might seem as if the war is a world away from our daily lives, the outcome matters to us all.
That’s because President Vladimir Putin’s ambitions do not stop at Ukraine: Should he prevail, he will move to his next target.
That could well be a NATO country, potentially triggering Article 5 — under which an attack on one is considered an attack on all.
We must be prepared for such a scenario.
Warfare is as tough, bloody and deadly as it has ever been.
But Ukraine is rewriting the rules of engagement.
Today, a $650 drone can destroy a $4 million tank.
Uncrewed boats costing around $265,000 have sunk warships worth $65 million.
The time between detecting and striking targets has compressed dramatically, and new technology can be deployed in weeks rather than years.
The lesson is clear: Military power is no longer measured simply by who has the biggest, most expensive hardware; it’s about who can innovate fastest, produce at scale and turn relatively cheap technology to devastating military effect.
This transformation presents our nations with big challenges.
It also presents a huge opportunity for us to work together toward a modern and exciting future.
The US-UK partnership has been forged through generations of shared history and sacrifice, but its future cannot run on the fumes of nostalgia.
We have repeatedly proven that our nations’ collaboration out-innovates our rivals.
It’s not surprising: Together, we are home to the world’s smartest minds, finest universities and most creative companies.
If we pool our resources, we can lead the development of defense technologies in drones, uncrewed vessels at sea, advanced fighter jets and the use of AI.
If the warfighting of the past century was characterized by our soldiers standing shoulder to shoulder on the battlefield, that of the next can be defined by our scientists, engineers and businesses working side-by-side in our labs, research institutes and factories.
Making sure our armed forces are fit to face the future brings a domestic defense dividend.
Investing in new equipment, technology and capabilities can have a multiplier effect across the rest of our economies.
In Britain, it is creating good, well-paid jobs in communities across the country and reawakening historic towns and cities where defense runs in the blood.
The same can be true across the NATO alliance: As we strengthen our collective security, we can strengthen our industrial base — a win-win.
It is also essential for our deterrence and readiness.
We need to be able to out-produce, as well as out-innovate, our adversaries to sustain a successful warfighting machine.
For the United States, the UK is a supportive, serious partner.
I also want us to be the causeway across the Atlantic that binds together Europe and America.
Britain is already heeding President Donald Trump’s call for Europe to step up.
He is right to challenge us.
I do not share the view that the United States is disengaged or that this administration doesn’t care about Europe.
Were that the case, Washington wouldn’t be giving us such a hard time about our defense spending and capabilities.
But it’s also true that some of the choices we’ve made in Europe have been a constant frustration to our American friends over many years, many presidencies and on both sides of the aisle.
They have a point. And we are listening.
Under this government, Britain is already making the largest sustained increase in defense spending since the end of the Cold War.
We will meet our NATO target to spend 3.5% of GDP on defense by 2035.
But in this age of insecurity, we need to go further.
That does not just mean spending more; it means pushing the frontiers of defense innovation so that we have an advantage over our adversaries.
In times of our greatest peril, Britain and America have shown ourselves capable of achieving great things.
We have stood tall on the world stage, steadfastly supported our allies and rescued the world from tyranny.
We have matched the courage of those who serve with the ingenuity of those who build.
We can still do all these things — and we will. Together.
Wes Streeting is the United Kingdom’s Secretary of State for Defence.