History is a stern teacher, but nations that refuse to learn from its lessons are condemned to repeat its tragedies. The Muslim world, blessed with immense natural wealth, strategic geography, a common faith and a civilisation that once illuminated the world with knowledge and wisdom, has too often found itself divided, weakened and exposed to the ambitions of powerful nations. The question that demands serious reflection is whether these calamities are merely the consequences of internal failures or whether external powers have repeatedly exploited Muslim divisions to advance their own strategic interests.
The Holy Qur’an offers believers a warning that deserves thoughtful consideration. Allah Almighty declares in Surah Al-Ma’idah, verse 51, “O believers! Take neither Jews nor Christians as guardians—they are guardians of each other. Whoever does so will be counted as one of them. Surely Allah does not guide the wrongdoing people”. This verse is a solemn reminder for Muslims to remain vigilant about alliances that may compromise the interests of the Muslim community.
The Qur’an calls Muslims towards solidarity, not reckless confrontation; vigilance, not blind hostility; and justice, not revenge
The history of the Middle East demonstrates how rivalry, foreign intervention and miscalculation have repeatedly devastated Muslim societies. The Iran-Iraq War, which began with Iraq’s invasion of Iran in September 1980, consumed eight years and inflicted enormous human and economic losses upon both countries. Iraq’s subsequent invasion of Kuwait in 1990 brought another devastating confrontation to the Gulf. These events arose from particular regional ambitions and political calculations, yet outside powers also pursued their own interests amid the resulting instability. The lasting tragedy was that Muslim nations exhausted their resources fighting one another while their populations endured bereavement, displacement and economic ruin.
The rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran further complicated the region’s political landscape. Sectarian differences, competing regional ambitions and proxy conflicts created opportunities for external intervention. The United States and other Western powers established extensive security relationships with Gulf monarchies, while the question of Israel’s security remained central to American policy in the Middle East. Such arrangements may be presented as guarantees of protection, but they also create strategic dependencies and give outside powers considerable influence over regional affairs. No nation should ignore the possibility that a protector may simultaneously pursue interests of its own.
The events that followed the Arab Spring offered further painful lessons. Popular uprisings beginning in 2010 challenged entrenched political systems across the Arab world. Egypt’s elected president, Mohamed Morsi, was removed by the military in July 2013. Libya descended into prolonged instability after the intervention that contributed to the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi. Syria became a devastating battleground involving domestic factions and numerous foreign powers. These developments cannot honestly be reduced to one centrally directed conspiracy; their causes included authoritarian rule, popular grievances, internal rivalries and international intervention. Nevertheless, their consequences strengthened the argument that foreign involvement, however nobly justified, can leave Muslim societies more fractured and vulnerable than before.
Iraq provides perhaps the clearest warning against accepting the assurances of powerful states without independent scrutiny. The United States-led invasion of 2003 was justified in large part by claims concerning weapons of mass destruction. Subsequent investigations failed to find the stockpiles that had been presented as a principal justification for war. The invasion destroyed the existing political order, unleashed years of violence and inflicted consequences that extended far beyond Iraq’s borders. The episode demonstrated that even the pronouncements of powerful governments must be examined critically, for the price of misplaced trust may be paid by generations.
The Abraham Accords, announced in 2020, introduced a new phase in regional diplomacy by establishing or normalising relations between Israel and several Arab states. Supporters described them as an opportunity for peace and cooperation; critics feared that normalisation without a just settlement of the Palestinian question would leave the central grievance unresolved. Saudi Arabia’s insistence on a credible path towards Palestinian statehood has remained an important consideration in regional diplomacy. Peace cannot be made durable by disregarding the rights and aspirations of an occupied people.
The suffering of Yemen provides another warning. The conflict involving the Houthis, the internationally recognised Yemeni government and the Saudi-led coalition has brought immense hardship to civilians and repeatedly threatened regional security. The Houthis have also carried out attacks against Saudi territory. Such violence demonstrates how local conflicts, external support and competing regional ambitions can combine to endanger entire populations. The answer cannot be an endless succession of retaliation and counter-retaliation; it must be a just political settlement that protects civilians and respects national sovereignty.
Pakistan, too, must remain alert to the dangers surrounding its security. Its difficult relations with India, the instability emanating from Afghanistan and the threat posed by militant groups operating across borders demand vigilance, sound diplomacy and capable defence. Pakistan’s armed forces have a constitutional responsibility to defend the country, but lasting security also requires political cohesion, economic strength and cooperation among Muslim states. Militancy cannot be defeated by military action alone if the conditions that nourish extremism remain unaddressed.
The hour, therefore, demands a revival of Muslim solidarity founded not upon slogans but upon practical cooperation. The Gulf states, Pakistan, Iran, Türkiye and other Muslim nations must strengthen consultation, pursue economic partnerships, resolve disputes through dialogue and refuse to allow external rivalries to dictate their relationships. They must also uphold justice in Palestine, protect innocent lives and recognise that the blood of Muslims is no less sacred when shed by another Muslim.
Allah Almighty commands in Surah Al-Anfal, verse 46, that believers should not dispute among themselves lest they lose courage and their strength depart. This warning speaks directly to an age in which division has become a strategic weakness. The Muslim world must open its eyes before mistrust, proxy warfare and dependence upon external patrons reduce its collective influence still further. No foreign power can be expected to place Muslim interests above its own national interests.
The path forward lies in faith joined with wisdom, strength disciplined by justice and unity sustained by mutual respect. The Qur’an calls Muslims towards solidarity, not reckless confrontation; vigilance, not blind hostility; and justice, not revenge. If Muslim nations learn to settle their differences before others exploit them, their immense resources may become instruments of prosperity rather than causes of conflict. Otherwise, the continuing fragmentation of the Muslim world will remain a gift to those who benefit from its divisions and a tragedy for generations yet unborn.
The writer is Director General Library & Research, National Assembly, Parliament House, Islamabad.