
The Briefing:
- Costa Rica inaugurated the CACCO — a 5,100-bed, $35 million maximum-security mega-prison — on October 14, completing nine months of construction at the La Reforma complex in San Rafael de Alajuela.
- Built on blueprints donated by El Salvador's Bukele government, the five-module fortress is designed to isolate cartel bosses and hitmen who have been running criminal networks and extorting fellow inmates from inside Costa Rica's overcrowded penitentiaries.
- President Laura Fernández named the killer of officer Gerson Rosales as the CACCO's first intended occupant, and announced a personal visit to El Salvador's CECOT for October 16 to study its operational model in person.
Costa Rica opened the doors of its first mega-prison on October 14, 2026 — a 5,100-bed maximum-security fortress built in nine months, financed entirely from the national budget, and shaped from the same architectural framework underpinning El Salvador's CECOT. President Laura Fernández used the ribbon-cutting ceremony to put the country's most dangerous inmates on notice: cartel leaders still running operations from behind bars, hitmen who have killed police officers, and gang figures extorting fellow prisoners for mattresses and meals are the first names on the transfer list.
The opening marks a jarring turning point for a country that spent decades as Central America's benchmark for stability. Three consecutive years approaching 900 annual homicides have shattered the political consensus that kept hard-line incarceration off the table — and Fernández is betting a borrowed blueprint can reverse the slide.
From Stability Model to Homicide Crisis
Costa Rica's security collapse has been swift and disorienting. According to the Judicial Investigation Agency (OIJ), the country recorded 907 homicides in 2023 — its most violent year on record — followed by 880 in 2024 and 873 in 2025. OIJ data attributes roughly 70 percent of those deaths to score-settling between drug trafficking organizations, a dynamic accelerated by Costa Rica's position as a cocaine transit, warehousing, and re-export corridor connecting South American supply networks to North American markets.
The court system responded by convicting more offenders than at any prior point in the country's history. But that surge in sentences overwhelmed existing penitentiaries far beyond their designed capacity, inadvertently creating the operational infrastructure that criminal networks now exploit — running extortion schemes, coordinating drug logistics, and managing territorial disputes from inside cells.
A Blueprint Donated, a Fortress Built
The project traces back to January 14, 2026, when Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele flew to San José and stood alongside then-President Rodrigo Chaves for the groundbreaking ceremony. El Salvador supplied the architectural plans free of charge — the same structural framework underpinning the CECOT, a 40,000-capacity facility that has become the most scrutinized prison in Latin America.
The CACCO occupies more than 91,000 square meters of land inside the La Reforma complex, approximately 25 kilometers from San José in San Rafael de Alajuela. Its five independent modules — each housing 1,020 inmates — reach a total capacity of 5,100, equivalent to roughly 20 percent of Costa Rica's current prison population. The government invested $35 million in the project — approximately ₡16,774 million in colones — drawn entirely from the national budget. The module architecture prevents inter-gang coordination: inmates never circulate between units, and each module functions as a sealed operational environment with around-the-clock electronic surveillance.
The Penitentiary Police assumed operational control on October 15, with staff familiarizing themselves with the facility's technology before any prisoners arrive. Transfers are set to begin at the end of October, with modules two and four receiving the first inmates; the target is 2,500 occupied beds by December 2026.

'Every Cop Killer Goes to the CACCO'
The tone of the inauguration left no ambiguity about the government's direction. In one of the ceremony's most charged moments, Fernández turned to Justice Minister Gabriel Aguilar and ordered him to transfer the inmate held responsible for the murder of officer Gerson Rosales — a 28-year-old Fuerza Pública officer killed in an ambush in Batán de Limón on May 13, 2026 — as the very first occupant of a cell in the new complex. Aguilar publicly committed to the transfer from the stage. Fernández declared to the crowd that every hitman who kills a Costa Rican police officer — past or future — has earned a place inside the CACCO. She also announced a personal visit to El Salvador's CECOT on October 16 to review its operational model in person.
Aguilar described the first intake list as targeting inmates who never truly stopped working. Some of these individuals have been charging fellow prisoners for access to mattresses and prison-provided meals — treating existing penitentiaries as operational bases rather than places of punishment. The CACCO's isolation design, he explained, is engineered to sever those internal power structures. The government projects that once transfers are complete, the system's current 59 percent overcrowding rate could fall to roughly 15 percent.
The Human Rights Line Costa Rica Is Drawing
The CECOT comparison carries unavoidable weight. The Salvadoran facility has faced sustained criticism from international human rights bodies over arbitrary mass detentions, in-custody deaths, and the suspension of due process under an ongoing state of exception. Costa Rica's own National Torture Prevention Mechanism has flagged a broader regression in correctional rights, warning that current trends risk pushing conditions toward internationally prohibited treatment.
Aguilar has drawn a deliberate distinction: while CECOT limits outdoor access to approximately 30 minutes per day, inmates at the CACCO will receive a full hour of outdoor time daily under Costa Rica's existing legal framework. No emergency legislation, no suspended due process — the government is explicitly separating its model from El Salvador's regime-of-exception approach. Fernández framed the difference plainly at the ceremony, pledging that her administration would act with a firm hand against criminals while honoring Costa Rica's longstanding commitment to respecting fundamental human rights.
Whether that distinction survives contact with the realities of housing 5,100 of the country's most dangerous offenders — under budget constraints, staffing pressures, and the constant organizational ingenuity of criminal networks — is the question Fernández now owns. The first answer arrives at the end of October, when the CACCO starts filling its cells.
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