Seperation is dead, now Canada must unite

The overwhelming majority of Albertans sent a message that should put any serious campaign to break up the country on the back burner for a very long time.

Monday’s referendum was a resounding endorsement of Confederation, with roughly 75 per cent of voters rejecting the call for a second, binding referendum on separation. Only about 25 per cent supported taking the next step toward leaving Canada.

That’s not a close call. It’s a thumping of the separatist movement in Alberta.

There will always be a small minority of Albertans who want out of Canada, just as there will always be a minority of Quebecers who want to separate.

Some have legitimate grievances with the federal government. Others complain about provincial rights, federal policies or a perceived lack of respect for Alberta’s interests, although those grievances can sometimes be remarkably vague when pressed for specifics.

But grievances are not a compelling argument for dismantling a country. And Monday’s vote confirmed that most Albertans understand the difference.

The vast majority recognize the enormous advantages of living in one of the most prosperous, peaceful and free countries in the world. They understand that Alberta can protect its interests, challenge federal policies and pursue economic opportunities without tearing up a century and a half of Confederation.

That doesn’t mean Alberta’s frustrations with Ottawa should be dismissed. There have been plenty of legitimate disputes over energy policy, resource development and equalization.

Some of those disagreements have been exacerbated by federal governments that have failed to appreciate Alberta’s economic importance or the frustration felt by people who believe their province is being treated unfairly.

But every province has grievances against Ottawa. Manitoba has them. Quebec has them. Saskatchewan has them. British Columbia and the Atlantic provinces have their own complaints about federal priorities and decisions.

That’s the nature of a federation. Canada is governed under a co-operative federalism model where there are constitutional divisions of power. There will always be some disagreement over those respective powers and how they’re interpreted and applied. That’s been the case long before Alberta joined Confederation in 1905.

Different regions have different economic interests, political priorities and ideas about how the country should be governed. The challenge is to work through those differences, not threaten to break up the country whenever a provincial government becomes dissatisfied with the federal government of the day.

Adults can disagree without holding the country hostage.

Quebec has spent decades wrestling with the sovereignty question, including two referendums. In 1995, Quebecers voted to remain in Canada by the slimmest of margins, with 50.58 per cent rejecting separation.

The question has never entirely disappeared from Quebec politics. But since then, the vast majority of Quebecers continue to recognize the benefits of remaining in Canada.

Alberta’s referendum produced a much clearer result than the 1995 Quebec vote. The separatist cause in Alberta was given a democratic airing and the overwhelming majority of voters rejected separation.

That won’t silence every separatist, particularly the more radical ones. They are entitled to their opinions. But a vocal minority should not be allowed to dominate the political agenda indefinitely after such a decisive rejection of its central objective.

Premier Danielle Smith now has an opportunity to put this issue behind her. She has said she supports a sovereign Alberta within a united Canada. Monday’s result gives her a clear mandate to focus on governing Alberta rather than accommodating a separatist movement that has consumed far too much political oxygen.

Meanwhile, other questions in Monday’s referendum should give pause to those who believe Ottawa must simply concede to Alberta’s demands.

Four of the nine other proposals involved constitutional changes, including abolishing the unelected Senate or giving provinces the power to appoint King’s Bench and appellate court judges. Those attracted only narrow support, with Albertans roughly split on them.

That’s hardly an overwhelming public mandate for a sweeping overhaul of Confederation. There is no clear consensus among Albertans on what any of those proposed changes should look like.

That’s an important distinction. Frustration with federal policies does not automatically translate into support for constitutional upheaval, much less independence.

The real work now is to address Alberta’s economic concerns and get on with the business of building a stronger country. That means encouraging economic growth, expanding trade relationships beyond the United States and strengthening Canada’s ability to withstand an American government increasingly willing to attack Canada’s economy and challenge its sovereignty.

A country preoccupied with its own possible disintegration is hardly well positioned to deal with an increasingly hostile economic neighbour.

Ottawa has a responsibility to listen to Alberta. Federal policies should be judged on their merits, not on whether they satisfy political constituencies in central Canada. Provincial concerns about resource development, economic competitiveness and constitutional jurisdiction deserve serious consideration.

But there must be a willingness on Alberta’s side to negotiate in good faith. Federal-provincial relations cannot function if every disagreement becomes an existential crisis or every compromise is portrayed as a betrayal of the province.

Co-operative federalism doesn’t work that way. The vast majority of Albertans understand that.