This has so far been an eventful year for the Philippines’ engagement with Europe, in what could be described as the continued evolution of a partnership from one that is mainly commercial to something more strategic and geopolitical.
The biggest milestone would be the elevation of Philippine-European Union relations to an Enhanced Partnership in July, intensifying cooperation on foreign affairs and several policy issues such as security, human rights, and climate change, among others. The EU likewise announced the bloc’s security assistance to the Philippines, worth €15 million under the European Peace Facility (EPF), boosting the maritime domain awareness capabilities of the country’s armed forces. This was noted by EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas as being the first EPF package to be implemented in the Indo-Pacific region.
Economic ties also remain central to the partnership. Both parties in September reached a substantial agreement in their negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement that is expected to liberalize more than 94% of tariff lines and cover over 97% in bilateral trade.
Bilateral ties have shown similar patterns, with the Philippines busy building its portfolio with many of its European allies.
In February, we renewed a defense cooperation pact with Italy emphasizing procurement, logistics, technology collaboration, and defense co-production. We also signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Digital Cooperation with Estonia, including provisions on cybersecurity, e-governance, and capacity building.
In March, we signed a Status of Visiting Forces Agreement with France — the first such pact with an EU member-state — allowing our militaries to operate within each other’s territory and improving interoperability in maritime security and emergency response. This was ratified by the Senate on Oct. 8.
Relations with Poland have likewise advanced significantly this year with President Karol Nawrocki’s state visit last week, the first by a Polish head of state since diplomatic relations were established in 1973. This was preceded by the inaugural Poland-Philippines Joint Defense Cooperation Committee in July, held in Warsaw. During Nawrocki’s visit, both countries signed a mutual legal assistance agreement on criminal matters on Oct. 6, building on the Agreement on the Transfer of Sentenced Persons signed in June. Both sides have signaled readiness to begin formal talks on an extradition agreement.
These developments show that our engagement with Europe has gone beyond trade, investment, and traditional diplomatic exchanges. More specifically, defense cooperation, maritime security, and capacity-building have become increasingly prominent narratives, demonstrating greater openness and willingness from European states to engage with the Philippines as a strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific region.
Such efforts have also coincided with the Philippines’ capacity as ASEAN Chair this year. The country witnessed the accession of Poland, Lithuania, Romania, and Sweden to the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation on its 50th anniversary. In June, President Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. co-chaired the ASEAN-Russia Commemorative Summit with President Vladimir Putin in Kazan, where both parties adopted a set of documents including the Kazan Declaration 2026, the ASEAN-Russia Comprehensive Plan of Action for 2026-2030, and joint statements and concept papers on cultural and energy cooperation. While these can be viewed as ASEAN’s broader engagement with external partners, these show continued interest from European actors in strengthening institutional ties with the region.
To note, this ongoing evolution in our engagement with several European players is taking place amid intensifying geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific region. For Manila, this means capitalizing on opportunities to diversify economic and security ties as well as to reinforce support for a rules-based international order. For Europe, this means viewing Manila as a regional anchor at a time when European governments are paying closer attention to the Indo-Pacific and the resilience of global supply chains.
At the same time, agreements and declarations should translate into long-term cooperation, tangible economic benefits, and stronger institutional links. For the Philippines, this means continuing our pursuit of strategic interests via bilateral partnerships while also facilitating dialogue and cooperation between ASEAN and European partners through regional mechanisms. This will require from us a more deliberate approach to identifying areas of convergence and sustaining politico-economic dialogue.
Cultivating new partnerships beyond our traditional network of allies will remain crucial as the Philippines navigates an increasingly complex regional environment. For Europe, this is likewise a chance to demonstrate that its growing interest in the Indo-Pacific will lead to the establishment of a sustained European presence in the region. The task for both parties is clear: to turn diplomatic momentum into lasting results.
Vincent Carlo L. Legara currently works as a lecturer with the European Studies Program and with the Department of Political Science of the Ateneo de Manila University.