LETTER: Japan is on the road to full militarisation. Its military budget has exceeded nine trillion yen (US$68 billion), hitting the target of two per cent of GDP, though lagging behind the United States (US$1 trillion) and China (US$340 billion).
Japan has overhauled its post-World War II (WW2) defence export policies, lifting strict limits on export of lethal weapons.
In April 2026, it has permitted lethal weapons transfer to 17 eligible partners, including Indonesia and Philippines.
Talks are abuzz Tokyo may transfer several Oyashio-class submarines or advanced frigates to Indonesia.
Manila may receive several retired Abukuma class destroyer escorts from Japanese Maritime Defense Force.
Besides that, Tokyo has also gifted vessels for Philippine Coast Guard since Marcos Jnr took over the presidency and deployed approximately 1,400 combat-capable Self-Defence Force troops to participate alongside US and Philippine forces in major joint military exercises like the Balikpapan Exercise 2026, marking the first of its kind after WW2.
Tokyo has a joint programme with Italy and UK to co-develop a sixth-generation fighter jet. There are plans to co-manufacture the Mogami-class frigates with Australia after failing to sell the Soryu-class diesel submarines to replace the ageing Collins Class submarines in 2014.
In 2021 Australia cancelled the contract with a French Company and opted instead to accept the offer from US and UK. Under the AUKUS programme Australia will receive eight nuclear-powered submarines.
Japan's rush to rearm is mainly due to the anticipated US military draw down policy from the region.
Without the nuclear umbrella that gave protection to Japan's pacifist policy for over 80 years, Tokyo must upgrade its deterrence capabilities as insurance against an uncertain future.
Contrary to popular opinions, i do not believe Japan's renewed strategic ambitions was solely driven by China's rise.
It is driven more by the uncertainty about American protection and the decline of its primacy. In my view, Japan's militarisation programme is about achieving strategic autonomy that is no longer constrained by Article 9 of its Constitution.
A clause in Article 9 outlaws war as a means to settle international disputes involving the state.
Japan currently may feel the need of a strong military to deal with its potential strategic vulnerabilities in the region including a resurgent China, a major economic partner and an increasingly consequential military competitor.
Despite recent high level diplomatic overtures, Tokyo's relations with South Korea is complicated by the legacy of Japanese colonial rule.
Tokyo also view a nuclear-armed North Korea with missile capabilities as an adversary and concerned with the security of Taiwan it annexed in in 1895.
Taiwan's security is closely connected to Japan's geography, maritime approaches and alliance commitments.
What broke really the Japan's camel's back to rearm is the US, Japan's principal security ally whose protection could no longer be guaranteed.
However, the rise of Japan as a military power is likely to contribute to some anxiety in the region that has not forgotten the brutality of its Imperial Army.
While the region currently benefits from Japanese investment, trade and foreign aid last 30 years, the return of its military to the region is something else.
The region needs its money but not soldiers.
BA HAMZAH
Former lecturer
National Defence University Malaysia (UPNM)
© New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd
