When violence marred France's nationwide demonstrations on Saturday (17 October), US President Donald Trump was quick to identify a culprit: immigrants. "France is burning!" he declared, blaming immigration for the country's turmoil. Vice President JD Vance likewise accused Western liberals of having "imported the third world" into France.
Yet the demonstrations had begun weeks earlier over poor school conditions before widening into a broader protest against rising living costs and pressure on public services. Casting the unrest as an immigration crisis may serve political ends, but it obscures the grievances that brought people into the streets.
The central issue is not whether immigration creates policy challenges or whether colonialism explains Europe's problems today; it is whether governments can address public anger honestly without blaming migrants. Europe must also be willing to discuss how its colonial past has shaped its relations with the rest of the world.
What triggered the French protests?
The timeline is revealing. Student protests began on 21 September at a high school in Créteil, a suburb of Paris, over teacher shortages, overcrowded classes, dilapidated buildings and problems with the university admissions system. The movement spread to hundreds of schools and grew more confrontational. On Saturday, it merged with wider demonstrations against the cost of living and economic hardship.
More than 550,000 people joined demonstrations that day, according to France's interior ministry; organisers put the figure at 800,000. Many marched peacefully, but groups of looters and violent protesters clashed with police, set fires and damaged businesses and public buildings. The destruction was serious, but it should not be mistaken for the motivation of everyone who protested.
The Guardian's report on the student protests traces their origins, while Al Jazeera's coverage of Saturday's demonstrations describes how the protests widened and violence erupted.
President Emmanuel Macron condemned the looting and vandalism in a televised address on Sunday. He ordered a review of possible intelligence and policing failures and called for discussions involving students, teachers, lawmakers, trade unions and business leaders to develop proposals addressing the crisis. His response condemned violence but said the reasons behind the public anger also needed to be addressed.
Trump's decision to blame immigration illustrates how quickly unrest can be turned into an argument about outsiders. But the reported triggers in France were educational failures and economic pressure, not a campaign against migrants. The distinction matters: violence should be investigated and prosecuted, but it does not establish that immigration caused the wider protests.
Similar economic anxieties have surfaced elsewhere, although the protests are neither uniform nor coordinated. Demonstrators in Portugal protested low wages and unaffordable housing; Belgium faced student protests over education and spending; and unrest in Italy accompanied demonstrations over living costs. Housing affordability has also driven protests in Spain.
These grievances differ by country, but none can be adequately explained by blaming migrants.
The historical context
Europe's colonial past does not explain all the reasons people migrate today, but it helps explain why some people move to Europe. Colonial rule shaped economies, political ties and migration patterns that continued long after the colonies gained independence.
France's relationship with Algeria is one example. French conquest and colonial rule contributed to dispossession and impoverishment, while work and family networks helped establish migration between Algeria and France long before today's disputes over borders.
The National Museum of the History of Immigration in France documents this history through photographs, personal stories, official records and everyday objects. It shows how immigration has shaped France's economy, culture and society. It also examines the country's colonial past, the legacy of slavery, and the racism and discrimination faced by immigrants.
Colonialism was also a system of resource extraction. In the Congo, colonial companies used forced labour to obtain rubber and ivory, amid extreme violence. Belgium's Royal Museum for Central Africa documents the exploitation. Portugal's empire was deeply involved in the transatlantic slave trade. In April 2024, Portuguese President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa said his country had to recognise the costs of slavery and colonial crimes and consider its responsibilities.
How much wealth did European powers extract from their colonies? There is no single, universally accepted total. Researchers measure different things, from tax and trade transfers to profits from enslaved labour and the appropriation of land and natural resources. Estimates using different methods cannot simply be combined.
One frequently cited estimate concerns British rule in India. Economist Utsa Patnaik calculated that Britain drained an estimated £9.2 trillion from India between 1765 and 1938, equivalent to about $45 trillion by 2016 if annual compound interest of 5% were applied to the transfers.
Patnaik used India's export surplus to estimate how much wealth was transferred abroad. Her figure is based on a calculation, not a confirmed total of money physically sent to Britain. It also does not cover the gains made by every European colonial power. Patnaik explained her calculation in the Hindustan Times.
The exact total is still debated, but the history of colonial exploitation cannot be explained by one number alone. Colonial powers controlled resources, workers and trade to benefit their own economies, often limiting the development and choices of the countries they ruled. It is important to separate proven cases of forced labour and wealth taken from colonies from estimates based on researchers' calculations.
Beyond scapegoating
Recognising this past does not justify looting, attacks on police or damage to public property. Nor does it stop governments from debating immigration rules or enforcing the law. Governments need to respond in practical ways: investigate violence, improve schools, address housing shortages and economic hardship, and judge claims about immigration based on evidence rather than political statements.
People living in Europe today are not personally responsible for everything earlier generations did. But understanding the effects of colonial rule is important to understanding the inequalities and relationships that shaped the modern world.
Europe's current unrest cannot simply be blamed on migrants. Colonialism, too, cannot explain every social problem today. A serious debate must look at both the immediate causes of public anger and the history behind migration.
Blaming outsiders may be politically convenient, but it will not solve the problems on the streets or help Europe face its past.
Why do some neighbourhoods struggle?
Even in wealthy European countries, wealth and opportunities are not shared equally. Poorer neighbourhoods often have fewer jobs, struggling schools and limited public services.
Migrants may face additional barriers because of low incomes and discrimination in the job and housing markets. French sociologist François Dubet has noted that residents of working-class neighbourhoods often feel excluded because of their origins, culture or religion. However, not all poor neighbourhoods have large migrant populations, and not all migrants are poor.