The position announced by President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi regarding the Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia constitutes a remarkable development in the current crisis, which transcends Yemen’s borders to form a regional crisis that has lived for decades on the embers of successive Iranian coups. There is no surprise in this position: Egypt is a major Arab state that cannot abdicate its role in defending national security and its direct interests. It is no exaggeration to say that Egypt and Saudi Arabia are the backbone of any firm Arab stance aimed at preserving Arab rights in the region.
Egypt dealt with the Iranian momentum in the region with a great deal of wisdom and patience. It wagered on diplomacy and time, hoping that Tehran would halt its repeated attempts to encircle Arab decision-making centers and alter the balance of power within several territories and across the entire region.
Years ago, I met with President El-Sisi and asked him about Egypt, its economy and the region’s situation and security. He said: “The forces targeting Egypt are targeting the region as well. They are the forces of evil, consisting of extremist organizations or regional states seeking to destabilize and overturn equations. Our decision to confront these attacks and attempts is decisive and our will is solid.”
He added: “As Arab nations, we must stand together in defense of our national security and stability against attempts to partition our countries, plunge them into chaos and drain their economies and opportunities for progress. I am fully confident that, together with our brothers in the Gulf states and other Arab nations, if we unite our efforts, we can confront whoever targets our countries, our region and our role.”
Egypt dealt with the Iranian momentum in the region with a great deal of wisdom and patience
Ghassan Charbel
El-Sisi stressed in his remarks that Egypt’s relationship with Saudi Arabia is “deep and strategic, serving the interests of both countries and Arab national security.” He said: “In all honesty, I say that our brothers in Saudi Arabia manage matters with wisdom and firmness and that is why I tell them we are always together.” El-Sisi was decisive in stating that “the stability of the Kingdom is stability for Egypt and vice versa.”
It was notable in the interview published by Asharq Al-Awsat that the Egyptian president was careful not to mention Iran by name, even though he meant it when referring to the forces of evil that attempt to destabilize and overturn equations. It appeared clear that El-Sisi wanted to keep the window of dialogue open to give diplomacy the best opportunity to rationalize Iranian behavior in the region, despite Tehran’s continuous violation of “red lines” on Arab soil.
Saudi Arabia has also patiently dealt with Iran’s incursions in the region. It has consistently attempted to keep the window of diplomacy open, both before and after the Beijing Agreement. However, Saudi Arabia committed to the constants of its policy; namely, respecting the red lines imposed by international law in interstate relations, as well as those drawn by the principle of good neighborliness.
In this context, the Egyptian and Saudi approaches have generally aligned in supporting legitimacy — including that of the Palestinians, the Lebanese and the Yemenis, while encouraging Iraqi legitimacy through restoring state institutions at home and reclaiming Iraq’s role within the Arab fold.
During the major turning points witnessed in turbulent recent decades, the Egyptian and Saudi wills converged. This alignment occurred when Saddam Hussein’s forces invaded Kuwait and when Egypt took to the streets after Muslim Brotherhood rule raised fears over its identity, stability and role. At the time, Saudi Arabia acted out of its conviction in the interconnectedness of its own security and stability with those of Egypt. Similarly, Egypt acted based on its conviction that destabilizing Saudi Arabia would cause catastrophic damage to Egypt, the Gulf and the Arab and Islamic worlds, as well as the global economy.
The Houthi policy is fundamentally based on violating all red lines both internally and externally
Ghassan Charbel
Regional coexistence depends on states honoring clear red lines: respecting international borders, engaging with official governments and upholding the right of every nation to choose its own policies and orientations in accordance with applicable laws and norms. Conversely, the encirclement of states, the violation of their borders and security, and the erosion of their independent decision-making capacity and ability to defend their sovereignty and interests directly contradict these conditions for coexistence.
It is clear that the policy of the Houthis is fundamentally based on violating all red lines both internally and externally. This approach extends from undermining legitimacy within Yemen and assassinating former President Ali Abdullah Saleh to holding the Bab Al-Mandab Strait hostage and the barbaric bombardment that targeted civilians at Riyadh airport. Iran, for its part, has practiced continuous violations of red lines on the territories of others — establishing militias, arming them, seizing control of their decision-making and tasking them with regional missions as part of destabilization operations.
Amid the major turmoil in the region, the Egyptian president’s position is a strict warning message: Egypt is prepared to engage in defensive missions that help in curbing the destabilization. The convergence of Egyptian and Saudi capabilities forms the foundation for gathering an Arab, Islamic and international stance that helps restore red lines and rein in attempts to overturn the regional equation.
A wider war is brewing in the region amid a thick fog of uncertainty. The absence of a dangerous player like Benjamin Netanyahu, should it occur, is not enough to conclude that Israel will be less aggressive. Furthermore, it remains difficult to predict the conclusions Donald Trump might draw from any potential electoral setback for his party in the midterm elections. Compounding these dynamics, escalatory Iranian behavior in the Strait of Hormuz could accelerate the arrival of even more volatile conflict, as Iran has changed neither its language nor its approach.
The Arab official smiled at length upon hearing from Abbas Araghchi that his country had exerted efforts with both Saudi Arabia and the Houthis to halt the escalation but that neither party responded. Araghchi also insisted that “the Houthis make their decisions independently.” This “clever” remark only deepened the Arab official’s pessimism.
Ghassan Charbel is editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper. This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat. X: @GhasanCharbel