The president simply cannot help himself.
This story is adapted from the Slatest newsletter. You can sign up here to get it in your inbox every day.
With T-minus 13 days until the midterms, polls suggest Republicans are headed for a wipeout. So what is Donald Trump—a self-proclaimed “frickin’ genius”—up to? Escalating a fight with his own party over his support for Russia and its leader, Vladimir Putin. Beyond the life-or-death stakes for Ukrainians, the spat has forced many Republican officials to spend precious time criticizing the administration instead of Democrats. But the bigger story is that Trump’s long-standing affinity for Russia may finally be coming back to bite him in a meaningful way.
Back up: Last time you wrote about this, Trump was buying Russian diesel and criticizing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. What’s happened since?
A lot. Last week, Trump signed an executive order immunizing Russia from new sanctions under a law Congress passed to punish Putin’s aggression. On Monday, the Washington Post revealed that the administration is holding up interceptor missiles Ukraine needs to defend against Russian attacks. On Tuesday, the Wall Street Journal reported that Elon Musk may have conspired with Trump to throttle Ukraine’s access to SpaceX-made battlefield satellites. (“Some fools still think the legacy news is real. Amazing,” Musk wrote today on X in what read like a classic nondenial denial.) And on Wednesday, Steve Witkoff, the president’s real-estate buddy turned globetrotting negotiator, visited Russia and praised Putin, an autocrat who invaded a neighboring country and has reportedly ordered the assassinations of domestic political opponents, for his humanity. “You talk so much about my president, President Trump, being a humanitarian,” Witkoff said. “You are a humanitarian also, sir, and I salute that.”
How are Republicans reacting?
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Not well! “WTF, Steve?” Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina posted on Wednesday. “Another embarrassment,” wrote Rep. Don Bacon of Nebraska. While campaigning in Maine, Sen. Susan Collins said Trump should reverse his decision to waive sanctions on Russia.
It’s true that those lawmakers are frequent Trump critics, but the backlash is starting to break containment. Rep. Max Miller of Ohio, a former Trump aide who has likened himself to the president as he fights domestic abuse allegations, labeled Witkoff’s bootlicking “ridiculous.” Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania called for an investigation into whether Musk slowed Ukraine’s satellite access, calling it “likely a violation of the law.” Putin “is not our friend, and he is certainly no humanitarian,” wrote Sen. Joni Ernst of Iowa. “His relentless attacks on innocent civilians in Ukraine show his total disregard for human life.” As the Wall Street Journal’s conservative editorial board thundered on Sunday, “When the election is over there needs to be a bipartisan reckoning for Mr. Trump’s budding alliance with the Kremlin against Ukraine, Europe and American interests.”
Speaking of the election: Neither Trump nor his party would seem to benefit from a public spat. So why are they doing this?
To some extent, Trump may think he’s helping. He blames Ukrainian attacks on Russian oil refineries for the high cost of diesel. It’s actually Trump’s war in Iran that caused the spike, but importing Russian fuel could help save vulnerable GOP candidates if it eases prices even a little. Witkoff’s praise also came after Putin agreed to release a 74-year-old American whom Russia had detained for years. Meanwhile, Collins, Fitzpatrick, and other Republicans in tough races may earnestly care about Ukraine. But they also stand to benefit politically from shivving a president whose approval ratings keep setting new lows.
OK, but if they really wanted to stop him, couldn’t Trump’s Republican critics in Congress … you know, do something?
Yes. Worse, Congress has enabled some of Trump’s steps to betray Ukraine. The sanctions law he sidestepped—named for the late Sen. Lindsey Graham, a longtime Russia foe—contained language that let Trump exempt Russia. As a result, some Democrats had refused to support the bill. A bipartisan majority of Congress, most of them Republicans, passed it anyway.
Trump has gotten away with cozying up to Putin for a decade now. So should we really expect his party to pay a price now?
It’s fair to wonder. During the 2016 campaign, Hillary Clinton memorably argued that Trump would become Putin’s “puppet.” Enough voters overlooked those warnings to give Trump the White House and Republicans unified control of Congress. In 2024, Kamala Harris predicted that Trump would “give up” Ukraine. Again, Trump and his party won anyway.
But this time really could be different. Polls suggest Republicans are struggling to motivate their voters, and an election-eve GOP-on-GOP fight probably doesn’t help. The president has also taken the less popular side. Americans as a whole support Ukraine less uniformly than they did when the war began, but more Republicans than not still like Zelensky more than Putin, favor aiding Ukraine, and back sanctions against Russia. Faced with backlash, Trump could try to change course; as we’ve explained, he has repeatedly flip-flopped on Ukraine. But with millions of Americans already casting early ballots, any turnabout might come too late to make a political difference.
Before we transition to some happier reads, an update on yesterday’s newsletter: After Vivek Ramaswamy’s campaign twice declined to tell us whether it was behind an ad featuring his gubernatorial opponent’s estranged mother, the Ohio Republican has admitted that his campaign made the ad—and plans to spend $4 million airing it statewide. So as ugly as that race looked yesterday, it could get uglier still.
OK, time to pivot. If you’re in search for some evening enjoyment, my colleagues think you should:
Mark your calendar for a special Slate event: This spooky season, the midterm elections are full of frights, but Slate’s politics team is here to warn you about any jumpscares. Join senior political reporter Jim Newell, politics (and Slatest!) editor Patrick Reis, and Mary Harris and Lizzie O’Leary of What Next and What Next: TBD for a live Zoom event on Thursday, Oct. 29, to discuss what’s real, what’s noise, and what to expect next. See you there!
Tune into a sharp new TV show: The creators of The Good Wife and The Good Fight have spent years skewering Big Tech. Their new series, Cupertino, is laser-focused on how Silicon Valley is undermining America’s laws and values. Slate’s Sam Adams talked with creative duo Robert and Michelle King about how they made exactly the right show for our current moment.
Peer into one of social media’s dark corners: Family estrangement is one of the most complicated situations to navigate for parents and children alike. When writer Christina Wyman discovered that her mother was active in a Facebook group for estranged parents, she found herself in a toxic echo chamber that was doing more harm than good. Listen to her story on the latest episode of ICYMI.
Give your brain a workout: Who is a “philosopher associated with deontology and zero-effort puns” (four letters)? Who “played Ahnold’s twin in Twins” (five letters)? Solve these clues in today’s crossword.
Congrats! You’re more than halfway through the week. Enjoy the night and see you tomorrow.
